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THE  WORLD  WAR 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW   YORK    •   BOSTON   •    CHICAGO    •    DALIAS 
ATLANTA    •    SAN   FBLANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON    •   BOMBAY    •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


THE  WORLD  WAR 


HOW  IT  LOOKS  TO  THE   NATIONS  INVOLVED 
AND  WHAT  IT  MEANS  TO  US 


BY 
ELBERT  FRANCIS  BALDWIN 


THE  MACMILLAN   COMP.ANY 
1915 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1914, 
By  the  MACMILLAN   COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  December,  1914.     Reprinted 
February,  1915. 


NortoooU  ^me: 
Berwick  &  Smith  Co.,  Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


TO 
M.  B. 


>- 

CQ 


34i36()3 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

.  ■     I.  Austria  and  Servia i 

II.  Russia 12 

111.  Germany:  The  Government 19 

[iV.  Germany:  The  People 40 

I    V.  Germany:  The  Foreigners 50 

I  _,  VI.  France 60 

^^Tllr^UXEMBURG   AND   BELGIUM 8o 

VhtT  Holland 93 

1^     IX.  England:  The  Army 102 

X.  England:  The  Government 116 

XI.  England  :  The  People 134 

XII.  The  English  and  German  Press 152 

XIII,  Rumania  and  Italy 188 

XIV.  Turkey 201 

•*   XV.  America 207 

XVI.  After  the  War 218 

^  The  War  in  Brief 237 

Dates  Referred  to  in  the  Text 251 

President  Wilson's  Despatch  to  the  German  Emperor  256 
Index 259 


vu 


THE  WORLD  WAR 


THE  WORLD  WAR 
I 

AUSTRIA  AND  SERVIA 
[BAD-NAUHEiii,  28th  July,  1914] 

The  Johannisberg  is  the  easternmost  foothill  of 
the  Taunus  range.  The  Taunus  forms  a  delightful 
highland  for  health-getting  and  an  appropriate  back- 
ground for  such  famous  baths  as  Schlangenbad, 
Schwalbach,  Wiesbaden,  Homburg  and  Nauheim. 

As  we  were  coming  down  from  the  Johannisberg 
this  afternoon  and  reached  the  Kurpark,  we  noticed 
that  a  crowd  had  gathered  around  one  of  the  little 
newspaper  kiosks.  Stepping  nearer,  I  saw  that  a 
placard  had  been  put  out.  The  placard  read:  "Aus- 
tria declares  war  on  Servia." 

The  sun  was  setting.  About  us  lay  the  serenity 
and  repose  of  perhaps  the  loveliest  Uttle  Kurpark 
in  Europe.  All  nature — and,  at  that  hour,  all  man- 
kind too — seemed  at  peace.  Yet  here  was  the  alarum 
of  war. 

A  curious  history  has  led  to  this  pass.  Just  a 
month   ago,   namely   on  June   28th,   the  Archduke 


2  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Francis  Ferdinand  and  his  wife  were  murdered.  The 
tragedy  occurred  at  Sarajevo,  the  capital  of  Bosnia. 
The  event  shocked  the  world  as  have  few  assassina- 
tions. 

The  Prince — the  nephew  of  the  venerable  Francis 
Joseph,  Emperor  of  Austria-Hungary — was  heir  to 
the  throne.  His  wife,  though  not  of  royal  rank,  had 
already  been  chivalrously  treated  as  an  equal  both 
by  the  German  Emperor  and  by  the  King  of  England. 
Some  impetuous  Hungarians  even  declared  that,  if 
Francis  Ferdinand  became  King  of  Hungary,  she  must 
be  their  Queen.  Even  in  the  conservative  Court  of 
Vienna,  where  she  was  less  liked,  there  were  here  and 
there  a  few  furtive  signs  of  breaking  down  the  bars  of 
rigid  etiquette.  Certainly,  there  was  a  realization 
there  as  elsewhere  that  much  of  Francis  Ferdinand's 
greater  popularity  latterly  could  be  ascribed  to  his 
clever  wife. 

For  he  had  not  been  a  popular  Prince.  Some  per- 
sons did  not  like  his  supposedly  Jesuit  leanings;  others 
did  not  like  presumable  militarist  prejudices;  still 
others  did  not  like  his  policy  with  regard  to  the  Slavs 
in  Austria-Hungary.  And  right  here  was  the  sticking 
point — the  Slavs. 

Some  time  ago,  with  statesmanlike  and  creditable 
prevision,  Francis  Ferdinand  pointed  out  to  his  com- 
patriots that  the  Dual  Empire  should  be  transformed 


AUSTRIA   AND    SERVIA  3 

into  a  Triple  Empire.  Why?  Because  there  ought 
to  be,  he  thought,  official  recognition  of  the  fact  that 
the  Empire  consists  of  Austrians,  Hungarians  and 
Slavs.  There  are  immense  numbers  of  Slavs  in  the 
Empire;  for  instance,  the  Bohemians,  the  Croatians, 
the  Slavonians,  the  Serbs.  As  to  the  Serbs,  their  num- 
ber in  Austria-Hungary  was  considerably  augmented 
when,  after  a  generation  of  efficient  and  epoch-making 
miUtary  control,  authorized  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin 
(1878),  the  Dual  Empire  annexed  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina (1908).  These  provinces  once  belonged  to 
Turkey  but  had  been  settled  largely  by  Serbs. 

Now  in  no  region  of  the  world  has  there  been  greater 
progress  in  civiHzation  since  1878  than  in  these  very 
provinces.  But,  while  inspiring  Austro-Hungarian 
pride,  the  progress  only  excited  Servian  jealousy. 
If  everyone  admits  the  fact  of  this  exemplary  pro- 
gress, everyone  must  also  admit  that  it  was  only 
natural  for  Servia  to  long  to  have  all  the  Serbs  under 
her  control,  whether  they  were  Servians  proper  or 
whether  they  were  Serbs  in  the  wider  sense — that  is  to 
say  whether  they  hved  under  King  Peter  or  whether 
they  were  under  the  Turkish  Sultan,  or  under  Francis 
Joseph.  The  Balkan  war  had  liberated  those  under 
the  Turk  in  Macedonia.  Justly  fired  with  this  success 
Servia  of  course  turned  more  than  ever  toward  those 
in  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.    For  the  Serbs  in  Mace- 


4  THE   WORLD  WAR 

donia  there  was  a  liberation,  in  the  proportion  of 
any  Servian  advance  on  Turkish  civilization.  But 
to  exchange  Austro-Hungarian  for  Servian  civilization 
might  be  regarded  as  a  decided  step  backwards; 
one  has  but  to  compare  the  relative  literacy  of  the 
two  countries  to  appreciate  this. 

This  fact  of  course  did  not  disturb  the  Servians. 
They  went  right  ahead  in  their  attempt  to  unite  all 
the  Serb  race.  Great  patriotic  societies  were  organ- 
ized, whose  methods  were  murder  when  necessary. 
Francis  Ferdinand  and  his  wife  fell  as  martyrs  to  this 
propaganda.  The  Serbs  had  finally  struck  at  the 
very  heart  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 

Of  course  Austria  immediately  began  an  investiga- 
tion. The  alleged  facts,  as  brought  to  light  by  it, 
showed  that  the  murder  had  been  plotted  by  Servian 
agents  on  Servian  soil,  that  the  arms  and  explosives 
with  which  the  murderers  were  pro\dded  had  been 
given  to  them  by  Servian  officers  and  functionaries 
belonging  to  the  Narodna  Odbrana,  the  most  impor- 
tant of  the  Slav  societies,  whose  aim  was  the  collapse 
of  Austria-Hungary.  These  societies  worked  not  only 
by  argument  in  newspapers  and  pamphlets,  but  also 
by  bomb  and  revolver.  The  evidence  accumulated  by 
Austria  seemed  serious  enough. 

Long  before  the  investigation  was  completed,  the 
Servians  knew  that  the  facts,  as  elicited,  pointed  to 


AUSTRIA  AND   SERVIA  5 

their  criminal  complicity  and  that  they  would  be  held 
responsible.  There  was  thus  the  greater  reason  why 
the  Servian  Government  should  voluntarily  have 
instituted  an  independent  investigation.  Not  only 
had  the  Government  omitted  to  do  this;  it  had  given 
little  indication  that  any  sympathy  or  help  in  the 
matter  would  come  from  it.  This  hardly  accorded 
with  the  Government's  friendly  note  to  Austria  in 
1909  following  the  Bosnian  annexation.  In  deference 
to  counsel  from  the  great  Powers,  the  note  read  thus: 

Servia  undertakes  to  renounce  henceforth  the  attitude  of 
protest  and  of  opposition  which  she  has  adopted  with  re- 
gard to  the  annexation  ever  since  last  autumn  and  she 
undertakes  furthermore  to  change  the  course  of  her  present 
policy  regarding  Austria-Hungary  so  as  to  live  in  future  on 
good  neighborly  terms  with  the  latter. 

Diplomatic  dealings  having  failed  to  rouse  the 
Servian  Government  to  a  proper  appreciation  of  its 
attitude  regarding  existing  conditions,  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Government  reminded  Servia  of  the  prom- 
ise of  1909,  adding: 

The  history  of  recent  years  and  notably  the  painful 
events  of  June  28  have  shown  the  existence  in  Servia  of  a 
subversive  movement,  whose  aim  is  to  detach  from  the 
Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  certain  parts  of  its  territories. 
This  movement,  which  had  its  birth  under  the  eye  of  the 
Servian  Government,  has  manifested  itself  beyond  the 


6  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Servian  border  by  acts  of  terrorism,  by  a  series  of  outrages 
and  by  murders. 

Far  from  carrying  out  its  formal  promises  contained  in 
its  declaration  of  March  31st,  1909,  the  Royal  Servian  Gov- 
ernment has  done  nothing  to  suppress  this  movement.  It 
has  tolerated  the  criminal  activity  of  various  societies  and 
associations  directed  against  the  Monarchy;  it  has  per- 
mitted unrestrained  language  from  the  newspapers,  the 
glorification  of  the  perpetrators  of  outrages,  the  participa- 
tion of  officers  and  functionaries  in  subversive  agitation, 
an  unwholesome  propaganda  in  public  instruction;  in  short 
it  has  allowed  all  possible  manifestations  which  could  in- 
duce the  Servian  people  to  hate  our  Monarchy  and  to  have 
contempt  for  our  institutions. 

This  in  general.  As  to  the  Sarajevo  murder  in 
particular,  there  followed  the  now  famous  ultimatum 
of  July  23d  from  Austria.  Its  principal  demands 
were: 

That  the  Servian  Government  should  condemn  the 
propaganda  directed  against  Austria-Hungary. 

That  it  should  deplore  the  fatal  consequences  of  the 
criminal  activity  above  mentioned. 

That  it  should  publicly  issue  an  expression  of  regret  that 
Servian  officers  and  functionaries  participated  in  the  prop- 
aganda and  thus  compromised  the  good  neighborly  re- 
lations to  which  the  Servian  Government  was  pledged  by 
its  declaration  of  1909. 

That  it  should  proceed  with  the  utmost  rigor  against  per- 
sons who  might  be  guilty  of  subversive  activity. 

That  it  should  suppress  any  publication  which  incites 
to  hatred  and  contempt  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Mon- 
archy. 


AUSTRIA  AND   SERVIA  7 

That  it  should  immediately  dissolve  the  society  called 
"Narodna  Odbrana,"  confiscate  all  its  means  of  prop- 
aganda, and  proceed  in  the  same  manner  against  other 
societies  in  Servia  which  engage  in  propaganda  against  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy. 

That  it  should  eliminate  without  delay  from  public  in- 
struction in  Servia  everything  that  serves  or  might  serve 
to  foment  the  propaganda  agamst  Austria-Hungary. 

That  it  should  remove  from  its  military  service  and  from 
its  administration  in  general  all  officers  and  functionaries 
guilty  of  propaganda  against  the  Austro-Hungarian  Mon- 
archy, the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  reserving  to 
itself  the  right  of  communicating  the  names  and  deeds  of 
such  persons  to  the  Servian  Government. 

That  it  should  accept  the  collaboration  in  Servia  of 
representatives  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Government  in 
the  suppression  of  the  subversive  movement  directed 
against  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy. 

That  it  should  take  judicial  proceedings  against  ac- 
cessories to  the  plot  of  June  28th  who  are  on  Servian 
soil. 

Perhaps  never  before  had  one  State  addressed  to 
another  independent  State  so  drastic  a  note.  Not 
only  were  the  demands  peremptory  in  themselves,  but 
the  language  used  seemed  unnecessarily  brusque. 
It  looked  as  if  Austria  wanted  to  make  war  inevitable. 
The  calmer,  however,  showed  to  the  excited  Servians 
that  there  was  no  use  in  reading  into  the  text  any 
meaning  not  necessarily  contained  therein;  this  being 
especially  true  of  the  clause  which,  more  than  any 


8  THE   WORLD   WAR 

other,  became  the  centre  of  discussion,  namely  the 
demand  that  the  Servian  Government  should  accept 
the  collaboration  of  representatives  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Government  in  the  suppression  of  the  sub- 
versive movement,  the  Servian  press  being  incHned 
to  read  into  the  text  an  indication  that  these  repre- 
sentatives should  find  their  place  also  in  judicial  and 
administrative  proceedings. 

A  time  Umit  of  only  two  days  had  been  given  by 
Austria  for  Servia's  reply;  this  was  couched  in  the 
usual  diplomatic  language,  namely  that  "  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Government  expects  the  reply  of  the  Royal 
Government  at  the  latest  by  six  o'clock  on  Saturday 
evening,  July  25th." 

The  reply  came.  The  Servian  Government  frankly 
condemned  all  propaganda  which  might  be  directed 
against  Austria-Hungary,  that  is  to  say  all  tendencies 
which  aimed  at  ultimately  detaching  any  territories 
from  the  Austro-Hungarian  Monarchy.    In  particular: 

It  expressed  its  regret  that  certain  Servian  ofBcers  and 
oflScials  should  have  taken  part  in  the  above  mentioned 
propaganda,  thus  compromising  the  good  neighborly  re- 
lations to  which  the  Servian  Government  had  solemnly 
engaged  itself  by  its  declaration  of  igog. 

It  would  consider  it  a  duty  formally  to  warn  officers, 
officials,  and  the  entire  population  of  the  kingdom  that 
henceforth  most  rigorous  steps  will  be  taken  against  all 
persons  guilty  of  such  acts. 


AUSTRIA  AND   SERVIA  9 

It  would  introduce  at  the  first  regular  session  of  the 
Skuptchina  (the  Servian  Parliament)  a  provision  into  the 
press  law  providing  for  the  most  severe  punishment  of 
any  provocation  to  hatred  or  contempt  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Monarchy. 

It  would,  though  possessing  no  proof  that  the  Narodna 
Odbrana  and  other  similar  societies  have  up  to  the  present 
committed  any  criminal  act  of  this  nature,  comply  with  the 
demand  that  the  Narodna  Odbrana  should  be  dissolved, 
as  well  as  any  other  society  which  may  be  directing  its 
efforts  against  Austria-Hungary. 

It  would  undertake  to  remove  wdthout  delay  from  the 
public  instruction  in  Servia  everything  that  serves  or  could 
serve  to  foment  propaganda  against  Austria-Hungary. 

It  would  in  the  same  spirit  remove  from  military  service 
those  persons  whom  judicial  proceedings  should  prove  to 
have  been  guilty  of  acts  directed  against  the  integrity  of 
Austro-Hungarian  territory. 

It  had  not  clearly  grasped  the  meaning  or  the  scope  of 
the  demand  that  Servia  shall  accept  the  collaboration  of 
Austrian  representatives  upon  its  territory,  but  it  agreed 
to  admit  such  collaboration  in  so  far  as  it  is  responsive  to 
the  principles  of  international  law  and  criminal  procedure 
as  well  as  to  good  neighborly  relations.  In  this  connec- 
tion the  Servian  Government  would  now  begin  its  own 
investigations  concerning  any  persons  implicated  in  the 
murder  in  question,  but,  as  regards  the  participation  of 
Austro-Hungarian  agents  or  authorities  in  this  inquiry, 
the  Servian  Government  could  not  accept  such  collabora- 
tion and  arrangement,  as  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the 
constitution  and  of  the  law  for  criminal  procedure. 

This  was  the  crux  of  the  whole  matter,  namely, 
whether  Austrian  agents  might  fulfil  their  functions 


lO  THE   WORLD  WAR 

on  Servian  soil.    Austria  demanded  that  they  should. 

Servia  replied  that  they  should  not,  but,  with  great 

credit  to  herself,  added  an  expression  of  willingness 

to  refer  the  question  either  to  the  decision  of  The 

Hague  Court  or  to  the  great  Powers. 

Those  Powers  at  once  advised  Servia   to  make 

friends  with  her  adversary  quickly  lest  a  worse  thing 

happen.    Chief  among  the  Powers  in  this  respect  was 

England;  the  influential  London  "Telegraph"  under 

date  of  July  27th  went  so  far  as  to  say: 

In  this  country  we  have  no  sympathy  whatever  with 
Servia.  We  reprobate  all  the  crimes  which  are  associated 
with  the  Servian  military  party.  On  general  grounds  we 
are  inclined  to  believe  that  Austria-Hungary  is  justified  in 
demanding  full  and  prompt  repudiation  of  all  those  ne- 
farious schemes  which  have  politics  as  their  excuse  and 
murder  as  their  handmaid. 

So  much  for  English  public  opinion.  As  for  English 
Governmental  opinion,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  British 
Foreign  Secretary,  has  declared,  as  reported,  that  "the 
merits  of  the  dispute  between  Austria  and  Servia  are 
not  the  concern  of  his  Majesty's  Government"  and, 
in  particular,  advised  Servia  that,  if  the  participation 
of  Servian  officials,  however  subordinate  they  might 
be,  were  proved  in  the  Sarajevo  murder,  Servia  should 
give  Austria  the  fullest  satisfaction  and  certainly 
should  express  concern  and  regret.  (Confirmed  by 
British  White  Paper,  Despatch  12.) 


AUSTRIA  AND   SERVIA  II 

Considering  Servia's  reply  disingenuous,  Austria  re- 
mained firm.  The  Servian  press  showed  some  signs 
of  compliance,  but,  on  learning  that  Russia  was 
mobilizing  became  obdurate  again.  Austria  recalled 
her  Minister  from  Belgrade,  the  Servian  capital,  after 
the  expiration  of  the  time  limit.  Servia  began  to 
mobiHze  and  removed  the  Government  archives  from 
Belgrade  on  the  border  to  Nish,  further  south.  She 
had  ample  reason,  I  believe,  to  fear  a  revolution, 
should  she  accept  the  Austrian  demands  in  their  en- 
tirety or  fail  to  put  up  a  warlike  front. 

But  was  all  this  a  sufficient  reason  for  Austria  to 
declare  war?  It  almost  looks  as  if  she  had  made  up 
her  mind  to  crush  Servia  at  all  costs. 

Both  in  its  appUcation  to  Servia  and  in  its  far 
wider  application  to  Europe  such  a  declaration  of 
war  from  a  supposedly  intelligent  power  to  one  less 
intelligent  is  simply  stupid. 

In  its  application  to  Servia,  it  is  perhaps  no  more 
incredible  than  have  been  other  unfortunate  acts  of 
Austrian  foreign  policy,  especially  the  treatment  of 
Italy  half  a  century  ago. 

But  in  its  appHcation  to  Europe  the  act  is  dreadful 
beyond  words.  For  Austria  has  struck  the  match 
which  may  light  the  flame  of  a  European  conflagra- 
tion. 


II 

RUSSIA 

[Bad-Nauheim,  jist  July,  1914.1 

A  WEEK  ago  a  Russian  general  left  Bad-Nauheim 
saying  that  he  feared  war  might  be  coming  to  his 
country.    People  laughed. 

But  the  old  Russian  general  was  right  and  the 
people  have  stopped  laughing. 

For  the  past  three  days,  they  have  been  saying: 
"What  is  Austria  going  to  gain  by  war  with  Servia?" 
and  "What  is  Servia  going  to  gain  by  war  with  Aus- 
tria?" There  has  been  little  satisfactory  answer  to 
these  queries.  To-day  they  were  superseded  by  an- 
other query:  "Will  Russia  go  to  war?"  The  general 
conclusion  seems  to  be  that  she  will.  For  it  has  only 
just  become  known  that  the  announced  partial  mob- 
ilization in  Russia  is  really  a  general  mobiHzation 
of  all  the  Russian  land  and  sea  forces!  And  how  often 
has  such  a  mighty  mobilization  taken  place  without 
war? 

Russia  thus  indicates  that  she  expects  to  maintain 
her  leadership  of  all  the  Slav  States  outside  of  Austria- 
Hungary  in  upholding  the  Servian  cause  by  armed 

12 


RUSSIA  13 

forces.  In  this  Russia  is  consistent.  She  has  long  pro- 
tected Montenegro,  Servia,  Bulgaria.  Particularly, 
in  1908,  she  approved  the  union  of  all  these  States 
with  Greece,  of  course  under  her  own  patronage,  a 
union  directed  against  Turkey. 

In  191 2  it  had  a  great  and  deserved  success.  It 
expelled  Turkey  from  most  of  her  European  posses- 
sions. This  success,  however,  was  largely  due  to  the 
fact  that  Venizelos,  the  Greek  Prime  Minister,  had 
succeeded  the  Russian  Prime  Minister  as  an  organ- 
izing force. 

It  was  natural  for  Russia  thereupon  to  prepare 
totally  to  subject  weakened  Turkey  to  Muscovite 
pressure  and  at  last  to  realize  the  dream  of  Peter  the 
Great.  He  wanted  to  capture  Constantinople.  Since 
then  Russia  has  always  wanted  to  capture  Constan- 
tinople. And  not  only  it,  the  vision  was  larger.  What 
Russia  really  wanted  to  do  was  from  Constantinople 
to  rule  the  Balkans. 

Alas  for  Muscovite  ambition!  One  Russian  pro- 
tegee, Bulgaria,  was  already  defying  other  protegees 
over  the  question  of  the  division  of  Macedonia.  Hence 
the  second  Balkan  war  (19 13). 

This  was  enough  to  cause  a  quick  change  of  base 
on  Russia's  part.  No  longer  could  she  call  Balkan 
union  into  existence  against  Turkey.  Why?  Because 
Bulgaria  had  been  defeated  by  Servia  and  Greece 


14  THE  WORLD   WAR 

and  was  seemingly  on  the  point  of  turning  even 
towards  her  ancient  foe,  Turkey,  for  aUiance.  Bul- 
garia would  not  join  a  union  directed  against  Turkey. 
What  then  would  unite  the  Balkan  States?  One 
thing  would,  so  Russia  beheved — their  fear  of  Austria. 

It  was  easy  for  Russia  to  bend  her  efforts  in  this 
direction.  It  was  easy  to  urge  Servia  to  cede  to  Bul- 
garia certain  parts  of  Macedonia  in  exchange  for 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  to  be  taken  from  Austria, 
thus  delighting  those  Servian  politicians,  who  had  long 
been  trying  to  undermine  the  loyalty  of  these  prov- 
inces. It  was  easy  to  indicate  that  Montenegro  might 
add  North  Albania  to  her  kingdom  and  Greece,  South 
Albania,  to  hers.  Finally,  it  was  thought  that  Ru- 
manian adherence  might  be  secured  if  there  were  a 
prospect  of  detaching  those  Austro-Hungarian  prov- 
inces which  have  a  large  Rumanian  population. 

Now  all  this  assumed,  that  at  the  first  blow  from 
the  combined  forces  of  Russia,  Rumania,  Bulgaria, 
Servia,  Montenegro  and  Greece,  the  Dual  Empire  of 
Austria-Hungary  would  fall  to  pieces  like  a  house  of 
cards. 

Perhaps  it  will  yet.    We  shall  see. 

But  whether  or  no,  all  patriotic  Slavs  long  to  show 
some  outward  expression  of  their  sympathy  with  all 
branches  of  their  race. 

For  this  reason,  Russia  has  been  mobihzing  her 


RUSSIA  15 

armed  forces  on  the  Austrian  border.  Regarding  the 
Servian  dispute  as  a  mere  pretext  for  increasing  Aus- 
trian influence  in  the  Balkan  peninsula,  Russia  wants 
to  show  herself  in  earnest,  in  order  to  impress  and, 
indeed,  to  overawe  Austria — otherwise  Austria,  she 
thinks,  might  go  to  any  lengths! 

Another  reason  for  Russian  mihtary  activity  is  the 
fear  of  losing  valuable  support  against  the  ever  threat- 
ening revolution  at  home.  The  Romanov  dynasty 
itself  might  be  in  danger! 

If  a  mobiHzation  along  the  south-west  border,  fac- 
ing Austria,  cannot  fully  appease  her  people  at  home 
in  Russia,  then,  as  revealed  to-day,  Russia  must  have 
mobilization  along  her  whole  border,  and  that  means 
mobilization  against  Germany  as  well  as  against 
Austria. 

But  suppose  even  this  general  mobiHzation  be  in- 
sufficient. Then  there  must  be  war  in  order  to  satisfy 
the  demand  for  Slav  prestige  in  general  and  Russian 
in  particular. 

And  yet,  so  recently  as  July  25,  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment declared  that  it  had  no  aggressive  intentions. 
(Confirmed  by  British  White  Paper,  Despatch  17.) 

It  was  careful  to  add,  however,  that  Austria's 
course  was  really  directed,  not  so  much  against  Servia 
as  against  Russia ;  that  Austria  sought  to  take  Russia 
by  surprise  (see  Russian  Orange  Book,  4,  7,  8,  also 


l6  THE   WORLD   WAR 

British  Blue  Book,  i6i);  that  Austria  aimed  to  over- 
throw the  present  equiKbrium  in  the  Balkans  and 
establish  Austrian  leadership  there. 

On  this  Austria  declared  that  she  did  not  expect  to 
seize  Servian  territory.  (Confirmed  by  British  White 
Paper,  Despatch  i8.)  Yet  even  so  Austria  might 
turn  Servia  practically  into  a  vassal  State,  say  the 
Russians  here,  though  no  territory  be  actually  seized. 

To-day  there  has  openly  come  upon  the  stage  the 
next  actor  in  the  drama — Germany.  All  along,  of 
course,  Germany  has  been  a  powerful  force,  probably 
the  most  powerful  force,  behind  the  scenes.  But 
Germany  does  not,  it  would  seem,  come  on  the  stage 
of  her  own  accord.  She  is  apparently  compelled  to 
appear  by  Russia's  general  mobihzation.  As  Austria's 
ally,  Germany  may  be  supposed  to  help  Austria  as 
against  any  Russian  attack.  Hence  the  Russian 
mobilization  on  the  German  as  well  as  the  Austrian 
frontier.  According  to  all  accounts,  Germany  has 
only  just  learned  that  the  rumors  of  such  mobiliza- 
tion are  proven  facts.  Accordingly,  indignant  Ger- 
many is  warning  Russia  to  stop  and  to  demobiUze, 
adding  that,  if  she  does  not,  a  general  German  mobili- 
zation must  follow.  (Confirmed  by  German  White 
Book,  Exhibit  24.  Also  by  a  letter  dated  July  31  from 
a  German  lady  hving  near  the  Russian  borders.  She 
says: " The  whole  frontier  is  full  of  Russian  soldiers  and 


RUSSIA  17 

we  do  not  even  mobilize!  What  is  the  Government 
doing  to  protect  us?") 

Will  Russia  stop?  Will  she  demobilize?  The  Rus- 
sians here  say  that  she  will  on  three  conditions.  First, 
if  all  the  Powers  do  likewise.  (Confirmed  by  the 
British  White  Paper,  Despatch  126.)  Second,  if 
Austria  stops  invading  Servia.  Third,  if  Austria  will 
submit  those  of  her  demands,  which  Servia  has  not 
accepted,  to  the  Powers  for  discussion.  (Confirmed 
by  British  White  Paper,  Despatch  120.) 

But  Austria  has  already  declined  these  propositions. 

Meanwhile,  how  is  the  German  Emperor  getting  on 
with  his  mediation  at  Vienna?  The  Russians  here 
scoff  at  it,  though  their  Tsar  invited  it.  (German 
White  Book,  Exhibit  21.)  They  think  that  the 
Kaiser  is  really  exerting  no  pressure  for  peace  on  his 
ally,  that  Herr  von  Tschirsky,  the  German  Ambassa- 
dor in  Vienna,  remains  openly  anti-Russian  (con- 
firmed by  British  White  Paper,  Despatch  95)  and  may 
be  at  the  bottom  of  this  latest  imbroglio,  and  that, 
if  it  were  not  hatched  in  BerHn,  at  all  events  Germany 
is  secretly  upholding  Austria's  irreconcilable  attitude. 

This  may  be  true.  It  may  be  of  a  piece  with  Ger- 
many's successful  course  in  1909  in  upholding  the 
Austrian  annexation  of  Bosnia  as  against  the  rest  of 
the  Powers.  But  most  observers  outside  of  Russia, 
I  think,  really  believe  that  the  German  Emperor  is 


l8  THE   WORLD   WAR 

honestly  trying  to  mediate  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
even  though  loyally  bound  to  defend  his  ally.  (Con- 
firmed by  German  White  Book,  Exhibits  22,  23,  26 
and  also  WiUiam  II.'s  despatch  of  July  31.)  His  is  a 
terrible  responsibility  for  on  his  mediation  the  peace 
of  Europe  depends. 

Somehow,  in  any  question  between  Russia  and  Ger- 
many, one  is  tempted  to  take  the  same  attitude  as 
in  any  question  between  Servia  and  Austria.  There 
is  a  similarity  in  the  relative  literacy,  inteUigence  and 
civilization.  And  yet,  the  nation  which  has  the  greater 
literacy,  intelhgence  and  civilization  has  the  greater 
responsibility. 

Responsibility  rests  upon  Russia  but  pre-eminently 
upon  Germany.  She  should  check  the  rising  tide  of 
war.  What  she  does  now  or  leaves  undone  will  in- 
volve the  fate  of  other  nations  as  well  as  her  own. 
For,  if  Russian  intervention  entails  German,  German 
will  entail  French,  and  French  possibly  British.  That 
would  mean  a  European  conflagration. 

Something  even  worse  than  this  might  follow,  for, 
when  one  considers  the  colonies  depending  on  the 
European  Powers,  there  might  be  a  world-conflagra- 
tion. 

But  if  Russia  precipitates  it  we  may  hope  for  two 
good  results — the  deliverance  of  Poland  and  Finland 
from  her  yoke. 


m 

GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT 

[Munich,  2d  August,  igi4.] 

This  is  the  first  day  of  the  mobilization  of  the 
German  Army.  One  would  hardly  realize  it  unless 
in  visiting  the  railway  station,  now  taken  over  by 
the  Minister  of  War,  who  is  in  charge  of  all  the  train 
service. 

It  is  appropriate  that  there  should  be  compara- 
tively few  military  indications  in  Munich,  far  away 
as  it  is  from  East  Prussia,  the  home  of  excess  mili- 
tarism. For  Bavaria,  Wurtemberg  and  Saxony  speak 
in  gentler,  humaner  tones.  And  Munich,  one  of  the 
most  democratic  communities  in  the  world  and  enjoy- 
ing a  peculiarly  progressive  municipal  government,  is 
pre-eminently  a  pacific  city. 

But  it  knows  how  to  express  its  opinion.  In  it 
are  pubUshed  those  illustrated  papers  which  have 
justly,  fearlessly  and  pitilessly  exploited  the  Zabem 
incident.  If  the  miHtary  officers  at  the  little  Alsatian 
town  of  Zabem  could  brutally  bully  the  civilians  on 
the  street  and  contemptuously  set  at  naught  civil 
law,  what  might  not  be  expected  elsewhere  in  Ger- 

19 


20  THE   WORLD   WAR 

many?  The  people  hereabouts  do  not  endorse  such 
Junker  arrogance.  They  believe  that  the  soldiers 
should  be  the  servants,  not  the  masters  of  the  nation. 
They  indignantly  disclaim  any  responsibility  for 
military  excesses  and  properly  regard  them  as  a 
menace  on  popular  rights. 

The  Reichstag  at  BerUn  also  promptly  took  up  the 
fight  for  the  civiHans.  For  months  the  struggle  went 
on  between  the  extreme  military  and  the  civic- 
commercial  elements  in  German  public  life.  At  first 
it  looked  as  if  the  civilians  would  surely  win.  In  the 
end,  however,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  the  mil- 
itarists won.    It  was  a  blot  on  civiHzation. 

Now  this  does  not  mean  that  the  German  Army 
won.  The  Army  represents  the  German  people  and, 
like  it,  is  not  a  force  of  offence  but  of  defence,  though 
most  Germans,  I  fancy,  believe  that,  but  for  their 
Army's  aggressions  in  1864,  1866  and  1870,  the  Ger- 
man Empire  would  hardly  have  been  created.  The 
Army  represents  the  highest  type  of  organization, 
discipline  and  readiness  because,  as  history  shows,  the 
Germans  must  always  be  prepared  to  fight  more  than 
one  adversary.  The  militarists  who  ultimately  won 
in  the  Zabern  issue  represent  a  proportionately  small 
number  of  army  officers  belonging  to  the  Bernhardi 
school,  that  is  to  say,  who  disregard  international 
ethics,  certainly  who  have  a  chip  on  their  shoulders 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         21 

and  who  are  looking  for  trouble.  If  these  extremists 
could  not  stir  up  some  kind  of  trouble  over  the  Russian 
or  French  borders  they  would  not  object,  as  the 
Zabern  incident  shows,  ruthlessly  to  trample  on  the 
rights  of  their  fellow-countrymen  and  prejudice  the 
whole  nation  in  the  eyes  of  all  foreigners. 

To  these  extremists,  the  murder  of  the  Archduke 
Francis  Ferdinand,  and  the  Austrian  ultimatum  to 
Servia  came  like  grist  to  a  mill.  These  things  came 
with  special  impact  indeed,  because  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  attitude  was  not  only  that  of  the  Govern- 
ment but  emphatically  that  of  the  people.  Both 
Austrians  and  Hungarians  genuinely  feared  Servian 
intrigue  and  aggression.  This  popular  feeUng  played 
right  into  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  military  ex- 
tremists, and,  following  them,  the  German.  It  was 
their  great  chance. 

According  to  all  accounts,  however,  the  extremists 
had  against  them  no  less  a  person  than  the  German 
Emperor.  Only  last  month  some  very  jingo  officers 
said  openly  at  a  country  house:  *'We  want  a  war. 
But  the  Kaiser  blocks  the  way.  He  is  really  our 
greatest  foe."  They  found  fault  with  him  because  he 
was  not  another  Great  Elector,  another  Frederick  the 
Great,  and  because  he  would  not  emulate  his  own 
grandfather!  They  forgot  that  these  times  are  not 
the  times  of  the  Great  Elector  or  of  Frederick  the 


2  2  THE   WORLD  WAR 

Great  or  of  William  I.,  and  that  they  demand  a  differ- 
ent attitude. 

But,  as  with  apparent  disregard  for  the  right  of  a 
weaker  nation  to  exist,  Bismarck  forced  the  pace  in 
1864  in  the  Danish  War,  in  1866  in  the  Austrian  and 
in  1870  in  the  French,  so  the  Prussian  jingoes  pressed 
forward  in  19 14,  and  finally  had  their  way,  monarch 
or  no  monarch.  If  the  war  party  in  Russia  forced 
the  present  conflict  on  an  unwilling  Tsar,  the  war 
party  in  Germany  apparently  forced  it  on  an  unwilHng 
Kaiser.  The  Kaiser's  greatest  pride  is  supposed  to 
have  been  that  for  twenty-five  years  he  has  kept 
peace  between  Germany  and  her  neighbors.  Why 
should  he  break  it  now?  Of  course  the  Kaiser's  is 
the  ultimate  sanction.  But  the  real  blame,  so  far  as 
Germany  is  concerned,  rests,  I  beUeve,  with  the  little 
knot  of  militarists  who  have  long  wanted  a  scrap  with 
Russia.  The  supposedly  strong  Kaiser  was,  ap- 
parently, after  all,  not  strong  enough  to  withstand 
them. 

The  German  war  party  made  much  of  two  facts. 
First,  the  Austrian  alHance.  After  the  Franco- 
German  War  and  especially  in  the  late  seventies  there 
grew  up  a  feeling  in  this  country  that  there  should  be 
greater  union  between  Germany  and  Austria  in  the 
defence  of  common  Teutonic  interests  i"  Europe. 
This  union  would  be  most  readily  clinched  by  an 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         23 

alliance.  It  was  so  clinched.  Germany  must  now 
keep  faith  with  her  ally.  Germany  must,  the  military 
authorities  urged,  indicate  that  her  own  armed 
strength  would  be  used,  if  necessary,  to  deter  Russia 
either  from  a  complete  mobihzation  or  from  war. 
Austria's  need  of  Germany  is  of  course  the  greater 
since  she  must  now  use  part  of  her  own  forces  against 
Servia  and  hence  has  fewer  to  use  against  Russia. 

The  second  estabhshed  fact  upon  which  the  military 
authorities  laid  weight  was  that  the  general  mobiliza- 
tion in  Russia  indicates  that,  if  a  Slav  country  were 
attacked  by  a  Great  Power,  the  only  Slav  Great 
Power  would  go  to  her  assistance.  The  moral  effect 
of  Russia's  mobilization  among  all  Slavs,  whether  in 
the  Balkans  or  in  Austria-Hungary,  must  necessarily 
be  tremendous.  But  there  is  also  the  material  side. 
Servia  can,  she  claims,  put  400,000  seasoned  soldiers 
into  the  field,  men  all  aflame  with  successes  won  in 
the  two  Balkan  Wars.  Everyone  knows  that  Russia's 
figures,  on  paper,  are  prodigious.  But  suppose  them 
to  be  justified.  The  combined  forces  of  Russia  and 
Servia  would  be  more  than  enough  to  overwhelm 
the  forces  of  Austria-Hungary.  A  Slav  success  would 
at  once  prejudice  the  position  of  the  Teutonic  race 
in  Europe;  indeed,  it  might  make  it  untenable! 

Hence,  the  larger  issue — Teuton  versus  Slav.  In  the 
final  analysis  that  means  all  the  Teutons  against  all 


24  THE   WORLD   WAR 

the  Slavs.  If  so,  then  Germany  must  mobilize  quickly 
and  come  to  her  ally's  defence. 

Thus  the  ultimate  cause  of  the  present  conflict  is 
not  the  Sarajevo  murder.  That  was  full  of  sinister 
significance  for  Austria,  it  is  true,  but  the  real  cause 
Hes  far  deeper.  It  may  be  discovered  in  the  profound 
diflferences  which  divide  the  Slav  race  from  the  Teu- 
tonic. 

That  is  the  issue.  What  civiHzation  is  to  be  su- 
preme on  this  Continent,  the  Teutonic  or  the  Slavic? 
On  this  issue  will  depend  the  future  trend  of  European 
progress. 

During  these  days  that  question  is  being  decided. 
The  two  principal  antagonists  are  no  longer  Austria 
and  Servia.  By  Germany's  declaration  yesterday  of 
war  upon  Russia  the  chief  antagonists  are  now  Ger- 
many and  Russia. 


During  the  past  43  years  Germany  has  apparently 
shown  over  and  over  again  that  she  did  not  want  war 
for  herself.  Several  times,  indeed,  it  certainly  looked 
otherwise.  The  "mailed  fist"  was  in  evidence.  But 
when  the  clouds  cleared  away,  the  general  purpose 
underlying  the  particular  acts  in  question,  was  as- 
sumed by  most  to  have  been  pacific,  despite  appear- 
ances to  the  contrary. 

If  this  has  been  true  with  regard  to  Germany  in  her 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         25 

own  foreign  relations  it  has,  I  think,  been  true  with 
regard  to  a  general  desire  on  the  part  of  the  German 
people  that  the  world  shall  be  at  peace.  Yet  an  ulti- 
mately very  violent  break  in  unsetthng  peace,  was 
made  by  the  Congress  of  Berlin  under  the  leadership 
of  Bismarck  and  especially  of  Beaconsfield,  when  the 
latter  went  home  to  England  with  his  much  vaunted 
"peace  with  honor."  Russia  called  it  anything  but 
that  and  will  never  forget  how  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
tore  up  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  (1877),  which  she 
had  made  with  Turkey  at  the  close  of  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War.  The  Congress  substituted  therefor  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin  (1878). 

Nor  will  Russia  forget  another  cause  of  offence, 
namely,  how  in  1909,  Europe,  led  by  Germany, 
allowed  Austria  to  annex  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina, 
thus  lessening  Slav  influence  and  Russian  prestige 
in  the  Balkans. 

In  1878  Russia  felt  like  fighting  Germany,  in  1909 
also  and  now  in  19 14  she  has  begun  the  fight. 

As  to  Germany's  rumored  connection  with  the  out- 
break of  the  Austro-Servian  conflict,  the  German 
Foreign  OSice  openly  declared  that  it  had  not  known 
beforehand,  and  had  no  more  than  other  Powers  to 
do  with,  the  stiff  terms  of  the  Austrian  ultimatum  to 
Servia.  (British  White  Paper,  Despatch  25.)  This, 
some  say,  is  doubtless  true  as  to  the  highest  authorities 


26  THE   WORLD   WAR 

but,  add  these  critics,  it  is  hardly  true  of  some  of  the 
German  agents  in  Austria. 

Moreover,  Germany  declared  that  the  conflict  must 
be  limited  to  Austria-Hungary  and  Servia.  (German 
White  Book,  Exhibit  13.)  As  to  such  limitation,  all 
the  Powers  except  Russia  were  supposed  to  have 
taken  the  same  view.  Though  Germany  thought 
Russia  would  stand  aside  (British  Blue  Book,  De- 
spatch 161),  Russia,  assuming  that  the  German  Em- 
peror, with  his  quarter-of-a-century  peace  record, 
would  never  declare  war  and,  relying  upon  support 
from  France  and  England,  prepared  to  defend  Servia. 
Accordingly,  she  replied  to  Austria's  partial  mobiliza- 
tion by  her  own  so-called  partial  mobilization,  namely, 
a  general  mobilization  in  the  districts  on  the  Austrian 
frontier  (confirmed  by  German  White  Book,  Ex- 
hibit 24)  and  which  indicated  that  she  would  not 
permit  the  conflict  to  be  limited  to  Austria  and  Servia. 

When  the  news  of  this  preparation  reached  Ger- 
many, the  Government  at  BerHn  warned  St.  Pe- 
tersburg that  these  measures  against  Austria  would 
certainly  find  Germany  on  the  Austrian  side;  further- 
more, that  any  consequent  military  preparations 
against  Germany  would  oblige  her  to  take  counter 
measures.    (German  White  Book,  Exhibit  24.) 

Russia  quickly  assured  Germany  of  her  own  desire 
for  peace,  adding  that  she  was  making  no  military 


GERMANY:   THE   GOVERNMENT  2^ 

preparations  against  her.  (Confirmed  by  British 
White  Paper,  Despatch  120.) 

Both  England  and  Germany  were  persistently  try- 
ing to  mediate  between  Vienna  and  St.  Petersburg. 

On  July  26th  Sir  Edward  Grey  telegraphed  to 
BerHn,  Paris  and  Rome,  enquiring  if  the  German, 
French  and  ItaHan  Ambassadors  in  London  might 
meet  him  in  conference  at  once  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
covering an  issue  to  prevent  further  compHcations 
and  suggesting  that  active  military  operations  in 
Servia,  Austria  and  Russia  should  be  suspended  pend- 
ing the  results  of  the  conference.  (Confirmed  by 
British  White  Paper,  Despatch  36.)  While  accept- 
ing in  principle  mediation  by  the  four  Powers 
and  with  an  assurance  that  she  was  not  failing  to 
exercise  a  moderating  influence  at  Vienna,  Germany 
declined  this  particular  form  of  conference  because 
she  did  not  want  to  place  her  ally  before  a  European 
tribunal  (confirmed  by  German  White  Book,  Ex- 
hibit 12)  and  also  because  she  felt  that  it  would  be 
ineffective,  it  having  the  appearance  of  an  "Areop- 
agus," consisting  of  two  Powers  of  each  group  sitting 
in  judgment  upon  the  two  remaining  Powers.  Indeed, 
fearing  Italy,  she  might  have  considered  it  three 
against  one! 

The  German  Emperor  had  become  a  mediator  at 
the  Tsar's  direct  and  urgent  appeal. 


28  THE   WORLD   WAR 

But,  scarcely  had  the  Kaiser's  mediating  action 
begun  when,  as  we  have  seen,  Russia  mobilized 
her  forces  along  the  Austrian  border.  Austria  had 
mobilized  only  eight  army  corps,  not  too  great  a  num- 
ber, in  the  words  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  against  the 
Servians. 

During  this  time  Russia  renewed  her  assurances 
that  she  was  making  no  military  preparations  against 
Germany.  But,  according  to  German  testimony, 
Russia  was  mobilizing  her  entire  army  and  navy. 
While  the  Kaiser  was  mediating  in  Vienna  in  com- 
pliance with  Russia's  request,  the  Russian  hosts,  the 
Germans  claim,  rose  along  the  German  frontier.  On 
July  31st,  therefore,  Germany  demanded  from  Russia 
a  cessation  of  every  measure  of  war  against  herself  or 
Austria  as  the  only  means  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
Europe.  The  warning  was  added  that,  if  the  demand 
were  not  favorably  answered  within  twelve  hours, 
Germany  herself  would  mobilize. 

And  not  only  this.  Six  days  before  England  had 
warned  Russia  not  only  that  a  German  mobilization 
would  follow  the  Russian,  but  that  Germany  would 
not  be  content  with  mere  mobilization  or  give  Russia 
time  to  complete  hers,  but  would  probably  declare 
war  at  once.    (British  White  Paper,  Despatch  17.) 

The  telegraphic  correspondence  meanwhile  be- 
tween the  Kaiser  and  the  Tsar  is  illuminating.    The 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT  29 

accent  of  sincerity  marks  both  correspondents.     On 
July  28th  the  Kaiser  telegraphed: 

I  have  heard  with  the  greatest  anxiety  of  the  impres- 
sion caused  by  Austria-Hungary's  action  against  Servia. 
The  unscrupulous  agitation,  which  has  been  going  on  for 
years  in  Servia,  has  led  to  the  revolting  crime  of  which 
the  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand  has  become  a  victim. 
The  spirit  which  made  the  Servians  murder  their  own 
King  and  his  consort  still  dominates  that  country.  Doubt- 
less thou  wilt  agree  with  me  that  both  of  us,  thou  as  well 
as  I,  and  all  other  sovereigns,  have  a  common  interest 
to  insist  that  all  who  are  responsible  for  this  horrible 
murder  shall  suffer  their  deserved  punishment. 

On  the  other  hand  I  by  no  means  overlook  the  difficulty 
encountered  by  thee  and  thy  government  to  stem  the 
tide  of  pubhc  opinion.  In  view  of  the  cordial  friendship 
which  has  bound  us  both  for  a  long  time  with  firm  ties, 
I  shall  use  my  entire  influence  to  induce  Austria-Hungary 
to  obtain  a  frank  and  satisfactory  understanding  vnth 
Russia.  I  hope  confidently  that  thou  wilt  support  me  in 
my  efforts  to  overcome  all  difficulties  which  may  yet 
arise.    (Confirmed  by  German  White  Book,  Exhibit  20.) 

The  Tsar  telegraphed  on  July  29: 

I  am  glad  thou  art  back  in  Germany.  [The  Kaiser  had 
been  in  Norway.]  In  this  serious  moment  I  beg  thee 
earnestly  to  help  me.  An  ignominious  war  has  been  de- 
clared against  a  weak  country  and  in  Russia  the  indigna- 
tion, which  I  fully  share,  is  tremendous.  I  fear  that  very 
soon  I  shall  be  unable  to  resist  the  pressure  exercised  upon 
me  and  that  I  shall  be  forced  to  take  measures  which  will 
tend  to  war.  To  prevent  such  a  calamity  as  a  European 
war  would  be,  I  urge  thee,  in  the  name  of  our  old  friend- 


30  THE   WORLD   WAR 

ship,  to  do  all  in  thy  power  to  restrain  thy  ally  from  going 
too  far.    (Confirmed  by  German  White  Book,  Exhibit  21.) 

On  the  same  date  the  Kaiser  replied : 

I  have  received  thy  telegram  and  I  share  thy  desire  for 
the  conservation  of  peace.  However,  as  I  told  thee  in  my 
first  telegram,  I  cannot  consider  Austria-Hungary's  action 
as  an  ''ignominious  war."  Austria-Hungary  knows  from 
experience  that  Servia's  promises,  as  long  as  they  are 
merely  on  paper,  are  wholly  unreliable. 

In  my  opinion,  Austria-Hungary's  action  is  to  be  con- 
sidered as  an  attempt  to  receive  full  guaranty  that  Servia's 
promises  are  effectively  translated  into  deeds.  In  this 
opinion  I  am  strengthened  by  the  Austrian  cabinet's  ex- 
planation that  Austria-Hungary  intended  no  territorial 
gain  at  Servia's  expense.  I  am  therefore  of  opinion  that 
it  is  perfectly  possible  for  Russia  to  remain  a  spectator  in 
the  Austro-Servian  war  without  drawing  Europe  into  the 
most  terrible  war  it  has  ever  seen.  I  believe  that  a  direct 
understanding  is  possible  and  desirable  between  thy  Gov- 
ernment and  Vienna,  an  understanding  which,  as  I  have 
already  telegraphed  thee,  my  Government  endeavors  to 
aid  with  all  possible  effort.  Naturally,  military  measures 
by  Russia,  which  Austria-Hungary  might  construe  as  a 
menace,  would  accelerate  a  calamity  which  both  of  us 
wish  to  avoid  and  would  undermine  my  position  as  media- 
tor which,  upon  thy  appeal  to  my  friendship  and  aid,  I 
willingly  accepted.    (German  White  Book,  Exhibit  22). 

At  I  A.  M.  July  30,  the  Kaiser  added: 

My  ambassador  has  instructions  to  direct  thy  Govern- 
ment's attention  to  the  dangerous  and  serious  conse- 
quences of  a  mobilization.    I  told  thee  the  same  in  my 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         3I 

latest  telegram.  Austria-Hungary  has  mobilized  only 
against  Servia  and  only  a  part  of  her  army.  If  Russia — 
as  seems  to  be  the  case  according  to  thy  advices  and  those 
of  thy  Government — mobilizes  against  Austria-Hungary, 
the  role  of  mediator  with  which  thou  has  entrusted  me  in 
such  a  friendly  manner  and  which  I  accepted  at  thy  ex- 
press desire,  is  threatened  if  not  made  impossible.  The 
entire  weight  of  decision  now  rests  on  thy  shoulders. 
Thou  hast  to  bear  the  responsibility  for  war  or  peace. 
(German  White  Book,  Exhibit  23.) 

Twelve  hours  later  on  the  30th  the  Tsar  wired  the 
following: 

I  thank  thee  from  my  heart  for  thy  quick  reply.  I  am 
sending  Tatisheff  tonight  with  instructions.  The  military 
measures  now  taking  place  were  decided  upon  five  days 
ago  and  for  the  reason  of  defence  against  Austria's  prepa- 
rations. I  hope  with  all  my  heart  that  these  measures  will 
not  influence  in  any  manner  thy  position  as  mediator 
which  I  value  very  highly.  We  need  thy  strong  pressure 
upon  Austria  so  that  an  understanding  can  be  reached 
with  us.    (German  White  Book,  Exhibit  23  A.) 

On  the  31st  the  Tsar  added  this  dispatch: 

I  thank  thee  from  my  heart  for  thy  mediation,  which 
leaves  a  gleam  of  hope  that  even  now  all  may  end  peace- 
fully. It  is  technically  impossible  to  discontinue  our 
military  operations,  which  are  rendered  necessary  by 
Austria's  mobilization.  We  are  far  from  wishing  for  war. 
So  long  as  the  negotiations  with  Austria  regarding  Servia 
continue,  my  troops  will  not  undertake  any  provocative  ac- 
tion. I  give  thee  my  solemn  word  upon  it.  I  trust  wth  all 
strength  in  God's  grace,  and  hope  for  the  success  of  thy 


32  THE   WORLD   WAR 

mediation  at  Vienna,  for  the  welfare  of  our  countries  and 
the  peace  of  Europe.    (German  White  Book,  p,  12.) 

To  this  the  Kaiser  replied: 

In  answer  to  thy  appeal  to  my  friendship  and  thy  prayer 
for  my  help  I  undertook  mediatory  action  between  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Government  and  thine.  While  this  ac- 
tion was  in  progress  thy  troops  were  mobihzed  against  my 
ally  Austria-Hungary,  in  consequence  of  which,  as  I  have 
already  informed  thee,  my  mediation  was  rendered  nearly 
illusory.  Nevertheless  I  have  continued  it.  Now,  how- 
ever, I  receive  trustworthy  news  of  thy  serious  prepara- 
tions for  war,  even  on  my  Eastern  frontier.  The  responsi- 
bility for  the  safety  of  my  Empire  compels  me  to  take 
definite  retaliatory  measures.  My  efforts  to  maintain  the 
peace  of  the  world  have  now  reached  their  utmost  possible 
limit.  It  will  not  be  I  who  am  responsible  for  the  calamity 
which  threatens  the  whole  civilized  world.  Even  at  tliis 
moment,  it  lies  in  thy  power  to  avert  it.  Nobody  threatens 
the  honor  and  power  of  Russia,  which  could  well  have 
waited  for  the  result  of  my  mediation.  The  friendship 
which  I  inherited  from  my  grandfather  on  his  deathbed  for 
thee  and  thy  Empire  has  always  been  sacred  to  me.  I 
have  remained  true  to  Russia  whenever  she  has  been  in  sore 
straits,  especially  during  her  latest  war.  The  peace  of 
Europe  can  still  be  maintained  by  thee  if  Russia  decides  to 
cease  her  military  measures,  which  threaten  Germany  and 
Austria-Hungary.    (German  White  Book,  p.  13.) 

Two  hours  after  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  hour 
time  limit  the  Tsar  telegraphed  thus: 

I  have  received  thy  telegram.  I  comprehend  that  thou 
art  forced  to  mobilize  but  I  should  like  to  have  from  thee 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         33 

the  same  guaranty  which  I  have  given  thee,  namely  that 
these  measures  do  not  mean  war  and  that  we  shall  con- 
tinue to  negotiate  for  the  welfare  of  our  two  countries  and 
the  universal  peace  which  is  so  dear  to  our  hearts.  With 
God's  aid  it  must  be  possible  to  our  long  tried  friendship 
to  prevent  the  shedding  of  blood.  I  expect  with  full  con- 
fidence thy  reply.    (German  White  Book,  p.  14.) 

The  Kaiser  answered: 

I  thank  thee  for  thy  telegram.  I  showed  yesterday  to 
thy  Government  the  way  through  which  alone  war  may 
yet  be  averted.  Though  I  asked  for  an  answer  by  today 
noon,  no  telegram  from  my  Ambassador  has  reached  me 
with  thy  Government's  reply.  I  therefore  have  been 
forced  to  mobilize  my  army.  An  immediate,  clear  and  un- 
mistakable reply  from  thy  Government  is  the  sole  way  to 
avoid  endless  misery.  Until  I  receive  this  reply  I  am  un- 
able, to  my  grief,  to  enter  upon  the  subject  of  thy  tele- 
gram. I  must  ask,  most  earnestly,  that  thou,  without 
delay,  order  thy  troops  to  commit,  under  no  circumstances, 
the  slightest  violation  of  our  frontiers.  (German  White 
Book,  p.  15.) 

Five  hours  after  the  expiration  of  the  time  limit 
given,  namely  at  5  P.  M.  August  i,  no  reply  having 
been  received  from  the  Russian  Government,  the 
German  Kaiser  ordered  the  mobilization  of  his  entire 
army  and  navy.    (German  White  Book,  p.  15.) 

But  already  on  the  same  afternoon  Russian  troops, 
the  Germans  claim,  crossed  the  frontier  and  marched 
into  German  territory.    (Gennan  White  Book,  p.  15.) 


54  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Hence,  close  on  the  heels  of  the  mobilization  order, 
Germany  declared  war  against  Russia. 

Was  Germany  justified  in  that  declaration?  Yes,  of 
course,  says  the  German  Government,  pointing  to 
Russian  double-faced  diplomacy  as  regards  mobiliza- 
tion and  the  violation  of  German  soil. 

It  may  be  permitted,  however,  to  the  friends  of 
the  German  nation  to  deprecate  so  sudden  a  declara- 
tion. 

This  for  two  reasons. 

First,  the  declaration  of  war  did  not  give  any 
chance  to  German  mobilization  to  exercise  its  moral 
effect.  The  Russians  knew  the  staggering  cost  of 
such  a  mobiHzation.  They  also  knew  that  Germany 
would  never  mobilize  until  the  last  minute.  Indeed, 
they  may  have  doubted  whether  Germany  would 
mobilize  at  all!  If  so,  to-day's  transportation  of 
troops  (an  instantaneous  and  orderly  exhibition  of 
German  armed  strength,  ever  prepared  for  possible 
war)  must  impress  them  as  much  as  would  an  actual 
battle.  For,  with  characteristically  thorough  previ- 
sion, the  mihtary  trains  have  left  the  Munich  railway 
station  to-day  on  the  exact  minute  fixed  years  ago 
by  the  General  Staff  for  their  departure. 

To  be  ever  ready,  however,  does  not  necessarily 
mean  that  one  seeks  trouble  any  more  than  the  ever 
ready  policeman,  standing  at  the  street  corner,  seeks 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         35 

it.  But  it  may  be  forced  upon  him.  He  may  even 
have  to  show  his  billy  in  order  to  overawe  the  offender. 
If  that  suffices,  he  should  not  strike,  even  if  the 
ofTender  may  have  trodden  on  official  toes ! 

That  is  Germany's  position.  Day  before  yesterday 
she  declared  that  she  might  mobilize,  yesterday  she 
declared  that  she  would  and  to-day  is  only  the  first 
day  of  actual  mobilization.  Meanwhile,  yesterday 
she  declared  war!  What  chance  then  has  the  moral 
effect  of  mobilization? 

Replying  to  our  criticism  of  a  too  sudden  offensive, 
our  German  friends  admitted  that  the  Kaiser  sur- 
prised them  also  by  his  quick  declaration  but,  as  they 
were  careful  to  add,  the  real  initiative  was  Russia's, 
in  secretly  mobilizing  her  whole  force,  by  crossing  the 
German  border  and  by  committing  deeds  of  war.  The 
Germans  justify  their  Government's  action  by  saying 
that  she  struck  abruptly  lest  a  worse  thing  befall  from 
Russia  and  that  the  blow,  to  be  effective,  must  be 
quick. 

This  is  military  strategy,  of  course,  and  Germany 
is  at  the  head  of  the  world  in  that  strategy.  But  it 
disregards  the  moral  equation. 

In  the  second  place  delay  might  have  saved  what 
now  may  become  a  European  conflagration.  For,  with 
the  irony  of  fate,  Austria  has  at  last  conceded  the 
point  which  she  has  hitherto  stubbornly  refused  to 


36  THE   WORLD   WAR 

concede!  Last  week  she  "banged  the  door"  on 
compromise,  as  the  saying  goes.  To-day,  if  reports 
be  true,  she  consents  to  submit  to  mediation  those 
points  in  her  ultimatum  to  Servia,  which  had  seemed 
to  Servians  incompatible  with  their  independence. 
(British  White  Paper,  Despatch  135.)  Nor  is  this  all. 
Russia  accepts  the  proposal  on  condition  that  Servia 
be  not  actually  invaded.  (British  White  Paper, 
Despatch  139.) 

Now,  in  explanation  of  this  contrary  course  by 
Austria,  it  may  be  said  that  perhaps  she  went  ahead 
blindly,  expecting  to  repeat  her  stroke  of  1909  when, 
with  Germany  behind  her,  she  defied  all  Europe  and 
especially  Russia  by  annexing  Bosnia.  The  Austrians 
may  have  reasoned  from  this  that  Russia  would  again 
stand  aside.  When,  however,  they  perceived  that  she 
would  not,  they  made  belated  offers  of  concessions. 
If  they  had  been  made  in  the  first  place  they  might 
have  saved  the  peace  of  Europe. 

But  a  cynic  says:  "No,  all  this  conciliation  is  timed 
so  as  to  be  too  late !  For  Austria's  whole  r61e  has  been 
conceived  in  Berlin  and  dictated  from  BerHn." 

Another  observer  protests  that  the  attempts  at  con- 
ciliation were  sincere.  Only  they  happened  to  be  ig- 
nored by  Germany  in  the  final  rush  of  events !  ^ 

A  third  observer  concludes:  "if  any  State  could  be 
presumed  to  know  about  another,  one  might  predicate 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         37 

that  of  Germany  concerning  Austria.  And  yet,  see 
what  a  wrong  conclusion  it  reached  when  a  sudden 
State  policy  by  Germany  was  based  on  a  supposed 
knowledge  of  the  continuing  policy  of  the  other  State, 
Austria!" 

In  any  case,  the  German  Government's  respon- 
sibility is  heavy  enough.  It  rejected  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  offer  to  hold  an  immediate  Four-Power  con- 
ference. By  its  sudden  declaration  of  war  it  has  now 
doubtless  defeated  the  final  negotiation  between 
Austria  and  Russia. 

No  matter  how  we  foreigners  feel,  the  German 
Government  enjoys  popular  support  for  three  rea- 
sons: 

(i)  In  any  event  the  Germans  always  show  a  con- 
fiding trust  in  their  Kaiser  and  his  councillors.  But 
in  the  present  crisis,  even  the  Social  Democrats — men 
who  remained  in  their  seats  or  actually  left  the  Reich- 
stag rather  than  cheer  the  ruler,  are  now  enthusiastic- 
ally lining  up  under  his  command.  Indeed,  "to  the 
last  man,"  as  one  of  the  Socialist  papers  puts  it,  they, 
as  well  as  other  Germans,  are  entirely  convinced  that 
they  are  fighting  the  fight  of  Teutonic  ci\dlization 
against  Slavic  barbarism.  When  the  Slavic  wave 
overlaps  the  German  frontier  as  it  did  yesterday  war, 
they  say,  must  follow.  For  they  fear  that  a  Slav  ad- 
vance westwards  would  be  in  such  overwhelming  num- 


34561).'^ 


38  THE  WORLD  WAR 

bers  as  actually  to  wipe  out  the  German  speech  itself 
in  the  lands  through  which  they  spread. 

(2)  As  a  great  and  growing  power  Germany  must 
expand  somewhere.  She  must  get  her  "place  in  the 
sun."  This  means  a  colonial  Empire,  enabHng  her  to 
plant  her  surplus  population  under  the  German  flag, 
but  especially  giving  to  her  an  enlarged  outlet  for  her 
manufactures  and  oversea  trade.  That  is  all  taking 
care  of  itself,  especially  in  Asia  Minor.  No  man  with 
whom  I  spoke  allowed  that  this  legitimate  expansion 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  present  war,  which  they 
insistently  declared  to  be  a  war  of  self- protection  only. 

Some  foreigners  assume  that  the  German  people 
have  been  taught  to  think  only  of  such  a  war,  to  talk 
of  it,  to  dream  of  it,  and  to  prepare  for  it  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  all  other  subjects,  until  the  whole  nation  is 
now  possessed  by  the  demon  of  conquest.  I  have 
heard  well  authenticated  statements  of  the  thirst 
for  conquest  of  the  small  neighboring  lands  by  the 
so-called  Pan-Germans  but  no  German  here  in  Bavaria 
with  whom  I  have  talked — and  I  have  talked  with 
many — has  seemed  a  militarist  or  even  hinted  that 
Germany  wants  to  wage  an  offensive  war,  a  war  of 
conquest,  or  that  she  wants  more  land  from  her 
neighbors.  When  I  queried:  "Would  you  like  a  slice 
of  Russia,  the  ports  of  Libau,  Riga  and  their  provinces 
for  instance?"  they  said,  "We  have  all  the  Baltic 


GERMANY:  THE  GOVERNMENT         39 

ports  we  need.  Even  if  they  do  speak  German  in 
Libau  and  Riga,  the  back  country  is  not  Ger- 
man." 

(3)  Finally  here,  as  in  every  nation,  the  Govern- 
ment is  enjoying  plenty  of  the  patriotism  of  the  My- 
Country-right-or-wrong-but-my-Country  sort.  But 
there  is  also  something  apart  from  nationalism,  a 
longing  for  Hberty — for  yet  greater  liberty  at  home 
and  for  a  dehverance  of  the  two  peoples  whom  Russia 
has  oppressed  on  her  western  border.  "We  ought  to 
do  more  than  merely  thrust  Russia  back  where  she 
belongs,"  a  German  acquaintance  said  to  me.  "We 
ought  to  force  Russia  to  make  Poland  independent — 
indeed,  in  my  opinion  all  Poland  ought  to  be  inde- 
pendent. And,  if  Poland,  why  not  Finland?  Think 
of  her  betrayal!  This  ought  to  be  not  only  a  war  of 
defence  but,  like  our  war  a  century  ago  against  France, 
a  Befreiungskrieg — a  freeing  war!" 


IV 

GERMANY:  THE  PEOPLE 
[Partenkirchen,  2sd  August,  1^14] 

All  about  Partenkirchen  there  reigns  a  Sabbath 
stilhiess.  From  the  Zugspitze — the  highest  mountain 
in  Germany — down  to  the  valley  where  the  Partnach 
goes  tumbhng  along,  there  is  nothing  to  suggest  aught 
but  serenity.  The  air  is  charged  with  the  odors  from 
field  flowers,  from  new-cut  clover  and  hay,  from  fresh- 
cut  wood  piled  along  the  path,  finally  from  the  beeches 
and  firs  of  the  forest.  One  would  Hke  to  stay  a  long, 
long  time  in  such  a  place. 

And,  down  the  valley  from  Partenkirchen,  through- 
out this  blessed  Bavarian  high  country  the  red-tiled 
hamlets  nestle  in  the  rich  fields  and  against  the  dark 
woods.  The  whole  land  spells  repose  to  body  and 
spirit. 

Go  into  some  of  those  Httle  towns  hereabouts.  You 
see  old  men  and  women  and  children  there.  Where 
are  the  young  men?  Gone.  The  peasant  of  yester- 
day, the  tiller  of  the  soil,  the  woodsman  in  the  forest, 
is  the  soldier  of  to-day. 

He  was  not  dragooned  to  the  colors;  he  went  will- 
40 


GERMANY:   THE  PEOPLE  4 1 

ingly.  He  went  glad]}^  He  went  with  a  look  of  re- 
solve lighting  his  face — aye  and  lighting  this  land.  For 
his  was  the  high  resolve  to  do  or  die  for  his  country. 
And  not  only  the  out-door  man.  With  the  same  spirit 
have  the  workmen  laid  down  their  tools ;  the  students 
their  books. 

The  English  and  French  who  will  oppose  the  Ger- 
mans on  the  battle-field  will  have  their  high  resolves 
too.  Who  shall  say  who  has  the  right  in  the  matter? 
The  only  thing  to  remember  just  now  in  Germany  is 
that  the  spirit  of  outrageous  excess  of  militarism,  re- 
cently shown  at  Zabern,  seems  no  longer  characteristic 
of  anyone — as  it  was  then  characteristic  only  of  a 
minority.  Instead,  on  the  part  of  the  active  soldier 
or  the  reservist  or  the  volunteer  or  the  citizen  left 
behind,  there  is  only  the  spirit  of  absolute,  enthusias- 
tic, everlasting  devotion  to  "Das  Vaterland." 

Some  of  the  men  from  the  Httle  towns  have  gone 
to  the  front;  others  have  been  detailed  in  the  reserve 
ranks.  The  reservists  of  the  second  Hne  have  latterly 
been  arriving  in  Munich.  They  came  with  bags  and 
satchels  and  bundles  of  clothes  in  their  hands  and 
dressed  in  all  kinds  of  queer-looking,  vari-colored, 
travel-stained  and  dusty  apparel.  Rather  clumsily 
they  lumbered  along  through  the  streets  at  first,  and 
then  with  an  increasingly  springy  step,  as  they  were 
cheered  on  every  hand.    Most  of  the  faces  were  con- 


42  THE   WORLD   WAR 

fident;  occasionally,  however,  one  noted  the  frightened 
countenance  of  some  boy  who  perhaps  already  saw 
Death  beckoning  horribly  and  certainly. 

A  day  or  two  later  they  reappeared,  now  in  uniform 
and  in  ranks.  A  drill-master  was  trying  to  make  them 
march  smartly.  Already  they  were  marching  with  a 
steadier,  sturdier  swing.  Their  feet  beat  time  over 
the  resounding  pavement. 

And  then  the  singing!  Every  day  in  Munich  I 
looked  under  the  red  geraniums  in  the  balcony  window- 
box  out  through  the  iron  grating  into  the  court  and 
through  the  wide  passage  leading  from  it  to  the  street 
and  saw  the  blue  coats  passing  by.  There  was  color 
for  you!  There  was  movement!  And  there  was 
sound,  too;  for,  as  they  march,  the  soldiers  sing  in 
their  glorious  baritone  as  were  it  one  great  voice, 
"Heimath,"  ''Die  Wacht  am  Rhein"  and  "Deutsch- 
land,  Deutschland,  iiber  Alles."  It  is  not  generally 
known  among  us  foreigners,  I  think,  that  the  soldiers 
are  also  regularly  drilled  in  singing.  Music  helps  the 
majch.    The  march  becomes  less  clumsy. 

And  then  the  women !  Every  day,  wives,  mothers, 
sisters,  sweethearts  festoon  the  soldiers'  guns  with 
flowers.  The  women  themselves  move  along  the  side- 
walks, keeping  step  with  their  menfolk  in  the  streets, 
while  sympathetic  faces,  stamped  with  emotion,  ap- 
pear at  every  window  and  handkerchiefs  and  flags  are 


GERMANY:   THE   PEOPLE  43 

waved  by  eager  hands.  The  women  go  to  the  railway 
station  because  they  want  to  make  the  parting  easier. 
They  try  to  make  it  appear  like  an  everyday  parting. 
A  mother  cries  to  her  boy:  "Keep  your  feet  warm," 
and  the  boy  cries  back:  "Be  careful  not  to  be  run  over 
as  you  go  home."  Yet  the  hearts  of  both  are  heavy 
with  foreboding  while  they  actually  smile  bravely 
each  to  the  other.  It  is  the  stranger  within  their 
gates  who  is  in  danger  of  sobbing. 

The  cook  in  our  pension  has  given  every  one  of  her 
eight  sons  to  the  war  and  is  proud  of  it.  She  only 
wishes  she  had  more  to  give.  At  the  same  time  those 
sons  are  her  very  life,  and  she  says:  "Something  is 
wrong  somewhere.  It  took  the  pains  of  life  and  death 
to  bring  each  of  those  boys  into  the  world.  Did  God 
intend  them  to  be  only  KanonenJuUer — food  for  can- 
non?   Ach  nein!" 

Yesterday  a  note  came  from  a  mother  and  daughter 
with  whom  we  had  an  engagement  to-day.  The  note 
read  as  follows:  "We  have  just  learned  that  our 
precious  Hans  has  passed  away  on  the  field  of  honor. 
We  are  proud  in  the  midst  of  our  pain!  They  say 
that  he  was  instantly  killed.  We  are  glad  to  think 
that  he  suffered  Httle.  As  you  will  see,  it  is  better 
that  we  should  not  meet  our  engagement  to-morrow." 
No  complaint.  And  yet  those  devoted  women  had 
lost  their  all. 


44  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Not  only  are  soldiers  continually  marching  through 
the  streets  of  Munich.  Little  boys  are  playing  at 
soldiering.  They  march  up  and  down  with  laths  for 
guns,  with  bits  of  string  tied  tightly  around  their 
waists  to  hold  their  tin  swords  in  place  and  with  their 
caps  cocked  as  nearly  as  may  be  to  look  Hke  helmets. 

With  the  young  men  at  the  front,  the  old  gather 
nightly  in  one  another's  houses  or  in  the  cafes  and 
compare  the  events  of  19 14  with  what  they  saw  in 
1870.  Especially  is  the  talk  to  the  point  when  the 
events  of  to-day  occur  at  places  made  historic  in  the 
former  war,  or  in  former  wars.  Take  Longwy  for  in- 
stance. The  Germans  have  captured  the  place  four 
times:  twice  in  the  days  of  the  first  Napoleon,  once  in 
1870,  and  now  again. 

Meanwhile,  the  streets  of  Munich  look  like  one 
great  bouquet.  From  poles  on  the  tops  of  the  build- 
ings the  Bavarian  or  the  Imperial  flag  is  waving.  From 
the  cornices  other  poles  jut  out  and  from  them  depend 
streamers  reaching  from  the  roof  to  the  top  of  the  first 
story.  These  streamers  generally  bear  the  Bavarian 
colors,  blue  and  white.  Think  of  a  city  of  six  hundred 
thousand  people  one  mass  of  blue  and  white!  One 
does  not  tire  of  the  combination.  Every  day  only 
makes  it  seem  more  beautiful.  As  with  the  flags,  so 
with  the  streamers.  The  Imperial  black- white-and- 
red  is  everywhere  intermingled  with  the  blue  and 


GERMANY:   THE  PEOPLE  45 

white,  while  now  and  then  come  the  municipal  colors, 
orange  and  black.  Munich  waited  until  she  heard  of 
the  first  great  German  victory  before  decorating  her- 
self. But  when  the  news  came — to  every  Bavarian 
doubly  important  because  their  Crown  Prince  won — 
the  city  burst  in  a  trice  into  all  this  lavish  color. 

It  is  in  curious  contrast  with  the  people.  One  fan- 
cies the  Bavarians  as  the  most  emotional  of  all  the 
German  peoples  as  they  are  the  most  "live-and-let- 
live"  sort.  But  the  war  has  brought  out  an  underly- 
ing quality,  self-restraint.  Look  at  the  crowds  reading 
the  posters  in  the  streets.  The  posters  frankly  an- 
nounce that  the  Russians  are  over-running  East 
Prussia  twenty  miles  this  side  of  the  border,  but  they 
also  announce  German  and  Austrian  successes  further 
south  and  German  victories  on  the  French  frontier;  as 
a  whole,  therefore,  the  poster  gives  opportunity  for 
yells  and  jodels.  One  might  reasonably  expect  some 
jubilation.  But  there  is  comparatively  httle  shouting. 
Your  Bavarian  reads  the  news  once  and  then,  because 
it  is  so  important,  once  more.  He  reads  it  slowly. 
When  he  has  taken  it  all  in  he  looks  proud,  but  he 
looks  intensely  serious.  For,  appreciating  all  the  in- 
formation just  received  and  fecHng  patriotic  pride  in 
it,  he  has  yet  always  before  him  the  vision  of  the  fu- 
ture. A  man  turned  towards  me  the  other  day  after 
reading  one  of  the  posters  announcing  a  new  triumph. 


46  THE   WORLD  WAR 

He  did  not  say  "Hurrah"  or  "Hoch  die  Armee,"  but 
simply  "  Wir  warden  schwere  Kampfe  haben — we  have 
hard  fighting  ahead  of  us." 

And  this  is  what  the  Prussian  sometimes  calls  "der 
dumme  Bayer" — the  stupid  Bavarian!  The  Bavarian 
may  not  be  as  clever  as  the  Prussian,  but  he  is  kinder. 
Certainly  he  is  quick  and  intelHgent  enough  to  realize 
that,  when  Germany  is  attacked  on  most  sides,  there  is 
slim  chance  of  the  return  home  of  many  of  those  at 
the  front,  no  matter  how  encouraging  the  early  vic- 
tories. 

If  enthusiasm  for  the  Fatherland  characterizes  the 
reservists  and  the  volunteers  whom  we  now  see,  how 
true  it  was  of  the  regulars  whom  we  saw  go  to  the  front 
three  weeks  ago.  Some  of  them  have  now  arrived 
again  in  Munich,  wounded  and  carried  through  the 
streets  by  ambulances  and  tram-trains  fitted  out  with 
beds.  There  are  already  hundreds  of  wounded  in  the 
hospitals.  But  the  men  have  not  come  back  for  good, 
they  say.  Ask  them  about  it  and  you  will  hear  on 
every  hand  an  expression  of  longing  to  return  to  the 
front.  "Ach,  ich  mochte  wieder  dort  sein"  you  hear. 
The  atmosphere  is  full  of  the  contagious  spirit  of  de- 
fence. 

Defence,  not  offence.  Say  what  you  will  as  to  the 
hidden  causes  of  this  increasingly  ghastly  war,  all  men 
must  acknowledge  that  the  Germans  with  their  con- 


GERMANY:   THE   PEOPLE  47 

fident  strength  and  inflexible  will  arc  united  and 
persistent  in  it.  No  matter  how  sharply  we  and  they 
may  differ  as  to  the  rights  and  wrongs  involved,  no  one 
can  see  such  sights  as  these  without  being  convinced 
that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  German  people,  the  fight  is 
one  wholly  to  defend  their  existence.  "Das  Vater- 
land"  has  entered  into  their  irmiost  fibre.  They  are, 
therefore,  protecting  their  most  sacred  possession. 
Their  aim  will  be  realized  only  when  they  become  con- 
vinced that  their  whole  country  is  verily  *'ein'  feste 
Burg."  To  this  end — defence — their  purpose  is 
adamantine. 

This  idea  of  defence,  not  offence,  is  everywhere 
present.  It  may  be,  as  has  been  alleged,  that  certain 
secret  and  unworthy  ambitions  and  aggressions  are 
at  the  bottom  of  the  war.  Of  them,  however,  there  is 
no  indication  in  this  part  of  Germany  at  least.  Only 
yesterday  a  Bavarian  said  to  me:  "It  cuts  us  to  the 
quick  to  have  to  fight  France  and  England,  simply  be- 
cause they  are  bound  to  Russia.  Our  quarrel  is  not 
in  the  least  with  them,  but  entirely  with  Russia.  Had 
we  the  Russians  alone  to  deal  with  we  could  have 
whipped  them  in  a  week  and  sent  them  about  their 
business." 

German  patriotism  stands  at  a  high  level.  There 
is  no  need  to  stimulate  it.  Indeed  there  is  rarely  any 
need  to  use  those  devices  which  we  use  at  home  in  our 


48  THE   WORLD   WAR 

political  party  campaigns — the  mass  meetings,  the 
flag  wavings,  the  torchlight  processions.  The  German 
may  not  be  emotionally  patriotic  in  the  same  way 
that  we  are.  But  his  emotion  lies  quite  as  deep  as 
ours  and  is  always  at  hand  for  steady  use.  The 
German's  love  of  country  is  a  religion.  He  may  not 
show  his  respect  for  the  Church  in  the  same  way  that 
we  do.  But  the  country  of  Luther  is  the  country  of 
an  abiding  faith  both  in  the  Fatherland  and  in  the 
living  God. 

Usually  a  Munich  Sunday  is  officially  begun  by  a 
chorale  played  by  an  orchestra  from  one  of  the  church 
towers.  Last  Sunday,  however,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  city,  the  Oberbiirgermeister  directed  the  band 
to  play  from  the  Rathaus  tower  such  patriotic  and 
religious  hymns  as  these: 

Dankgebet. 

Die  Wacht  am  Rhein. 

Deutschland,  Deutschland  ttber  alles. 

Die  Konigshymne. 

Nun  danket  alle  Gott. 

Grosser  Gott  wir  loben  Dich. 

A  vast  crowd  collected  before  the  Rathaus  in  the 
Marienplatz.  During  the  singing  every  man  uncov- 
ered. After  each  hymn  there  were  three  Hochs.  The 
whole  affair  typified  the  simple,  lofty  spirit,  the  soul 


GERMANY:   THE  PEOPLE  49 

of    the    nation,    uniting    Germans    in    unflinching 
strength. 

Such  a  nation's  leaders  may  lead  nobly  or  ignobly. 
The  main  thing  to  remember  is  that  the  people,  the 
nation,  constitutes  the  ultimate  power. 


GERMANY:  THE  FOREIGNERS 

[Munich,  26th  August,  191 4] 

The  war  is  now  over  three  weeks  old.  Its  history 
has  not  only  been  remarkable  with  regard  to  the 
progress  of  German  arms;  it  has  been  more  remark- 
able because  one  after  another  Power  has  declared 
war  upon  Germany.  This,  instead  of  dampening 
German  ardor,  has  stimulated  it  to  a  high  pitch, 
although  your  average  German  preserves  his  equable 
manner.  Indeed,  further  declarations  of  war  would 
probably  be  received  with  something  like  equanimity. 
There  is  almost  a  sense  of  humor  in  the  situation, 
as  was  shown  the  other  day  in  the  building  of  the 
General  Staff  at  Berlin,  where  there  is  a  large  board 
on  which  notices  are  placed.  Taking  advantage  of  a 
momentary  dearth  of  such  notices,  an  official,  moved 
by  many  declarations  of  war,  wrote  the  following: 
"Hier  werden  weitere  Kriegs-Erklarungen  angenom- 
men."     (Further  declarations  of  war  received  here.) 

During  the  first  week  of  the  war  Germany  seemed 
suddenly  to  awaken  to  the  realization  of  a  fact  which 
she  had  not  before  appreciated,  namely  that  she  has 

50 


GERMANY:   THE   FOREIGNERS  5I 

been  honeycombed  with  Slav  spies,  especially  Russian 
spies.  It  is  of  course  easy  to  see  that,  especially 
among  the  throngs  of  Slav  cure-guests  at  the  various 
German  baths,  there  might  be  spies,  even  of  royal 
blood.  But  it  seems  a  pity  for  instance  so  to  regard 
the  quiet,  dignified  man  who  sat  next  me  at  table  in 
our  hotel  at  Bad-Nauheim.  He  is  a  cousin  of  the  King 
of  Servia  and  yet,  as  such,  he  may  very  well,  for  aught 
I  know,  be  a  prize  spy! 

But  the  Germans  have  latterly  taken  an  even  greater 
interest  in  English-speaking  than  in  Slavic-speaking 
foreigners.  We  have  been  interested  in  the  various 
reports  published  in  American  and  English  news- 
papers, in  which  mistaken  notions  concerning  the 
treatment  of  English  speaking  travellers  and  residents 
in  Germany  seem  to  prevail. 

It  might  be  expected  that  the  English  would  receive 
rougher  treatment  than  the  Americans.  Probably 
they  did.  I  know  of  one  English  lady  arriving  at 
Partenkirchen  who  had  difficulty  in  persuading  any 
hotel  to  receive  her.  But  I  have  heard  of  no  really 
rough  treatment  except  some  noise  made  by  a  lot  of 
young  fellows  in  front  of  the  British  Consulate  here, 
when  the  news  came  that  England  had  declared  war 
on  Germany,  the  report  of  the  throwing  of  stones  and 
the  breaking  of  glass  at  the  English  Embassy  in  Ber- 
lin and  the  rumors  of  individual  cases  of  revolting 


52  THE   WORLD   WAR 

and  incredible  treatment  of  the  English  at  the  fron- 
tiers. 

As  to  the  general  treatment;  however,  three  public 
testimonials  are  of  interest  as  indicating  one  kind  of 
EngHsh  sentiment  on  this  subject. 

The  first  is  pubUshed  by  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung 
and  is  from  the  Enghsh  colony  in  Frankfort.  We 
read: 

As  we  are  about  to  leave  Germany  we  beg,  through  your 
newspaper,  to  express  our  sincerest  thanks  to  the  railway, 
military,  and  police  ofi&cials  for  the  great  politeness  and 
prevision  with  which  they  have  provided  for  our  journey. 
Especially  in  Niederlahnstein,  where  we  had  to  spend  long 
weary  hours,  and  here  in  Cologne,  we  have  been  treated  by 
all  the  officials  and  by  the  people  with  the  greatest  cour- 
tesy. In  expressing  our  heartfelt  thanks  we  wish  to  assure 
all  Germans  that,  on  our  part,  we  shall  do  our  utmost  for 
any  Germans  with  whom  we  may  be  brought  in  contact  in 
England. 

The  second  testimonial  is  from  the  English  chaplains 
at  Baden  Baden  and  Freiburg.    It  reads  as  follows: 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  British  subjects  in  out-of- 
the-way  places  were  given  safe  conduct  to  suitable  centres, 
such  as  Baden  Baden,  and  there  allowed  to  choose  places  of 
abode  according  to  their  tastes  and  means.  Such  restric- 
tions as  are  put  upon  their  movements  are  in  their  own 
interests.  The  Authorities  have  exhorted  the  inhabitants 
publicly,  as  well  as  by  house  to  house  visitations,  to  treat 
foreigners  with  respect  and  courtesy,  taking  pride  in  thus 
proving  their  claim  to  a  truly  high  standard  of  civilization, 


GERMANY:   THE  FOREIGNERS  53 

and  the  people  have  responded  nobly  to  this  appeal.  Not 
only  have  the  hotel  and  pension  keepers  done  everything  in 
their  power  to  accommodate  their  visitors  at  the  most  re- 
duced prices,  giving  credit  in  many  instances,  but  several 
cases  have  come  to  our  notice  in  which  Germans  have 
housed  and  fed  English  women  and  children  who  were 
perfect  strangers  to  them  out  of  pure  humanity  and  good 
feeling. 

The  third  testimony  is  from  the  English  chaplain 
in  Berlin.    He  says: 

At  the  outbreak  of  war  it  was  of  course  the  duty  of  the 
German  police  to  protect  their  country  against  suspicious 
strangers  on  German  soil.  To  this  end,  all  strangers,  in- 
cluding British  subjects  temporarily  or  permanently  resid- 
ing in  Berlin,  had  to  be  brought  under  police  supervision. 
In  our  opinion,  the  police  magistrates  of  Germany,  in 
carrying  out  this  task,  tried  to  perform  their  duty,  not  only 
with  thoroughness,  but  also,  at  the  same  time,  without 
detracting  from  the  traditions  of  justice  and  courtesy 
worthy  of  a  great  modern  state. 

We  desire  further  to  affirm  that  the  general  attitude  of 
the  populace,  especially  the  middle  and  cultivated  classes, 
towards  the  British  subjects  here  has  differed  very  little 
in  friendliness  and  politeness  from  their  attitude  in  time  of 
peace;  in  short,  in  this  crisis,  German  laws,  justice,  and 
courtesy  have  shown  themselves  worthy  of  the  nation. 

Finally,  as  showing  the  spirit  animating  the  Bava- 
rian officials,  I  may  mention  a  case  of  a  young  English 
girl,  left  alone  here  after  her  compatriots  had  gone 
away  on  special  Government  trains.  The  Govern- 
ment was  now  about  to  provide  other  special  trains, 


54  THE   WORLD   WAR 

this  time  for  the  large  American  colony  in  Munich. 
The  trains  were  through  trains,  with  sleeping  coaches 
and  dining  cars,  from  Munich  to  points  in  Holland. 
Places  could  only  be  had  by  those  who  had  registered 
at  the  American  Consulate  and  who  had  made  good 
their  allegations  of  American  citizenship.  The  Eng- 
hsh  girl  was  most  anxious  to  get  to  Holland  and  from 
that  neutral  country  to  England.  But  how?  No 
more  English  people  could  be  provided  with  trans- 
portation. So  she  came  to  the  American  Transporta- 
tion Committee  and  offered  to  take  service  with  some 
American  family  as  governess,  paying  for  all  her 
expenses,  if  only  the  American  family  would  take  her 
along  and  pass  her  off  as  an  American  citizen.  The 
case  was  pathetic.    The  plan  seemed  plausible. 

Fortunately  the  presiding  genius  of  our  Committee 
had  tested  the  best  German  official  fibre.  So  he  said 
to  the  girl :  "  Do  nothing  of  the  kind.  Go  to  the  proper 
official  at  the  Hauptbahnhof.  Show  him  your  British 
passport.  Tell  him  that  you  are  a  British  subject 
and  are  proud  of  it.  Tell  him  that  you  have  plenty 
of  American  as  well  as  British  friends  and  that  we 
want  you  to  go  on  our  train.  We  will  accompany 
you,  if  you  wish.  The  official  knows  us.  He  likes  us 
and  we  like  him.    Now  let's  see  what  will  happen." 

The  frightened  girl  did  as  she  was  told.  She  went 
on  our  train. 


GERMANY:   THE   FOREIGNERS  5$ 

It  is  said  that  the  Munich  colony  fared  better  than 
any  other  American.  One  of  the  chief  points  in  the 
^  treatment  was  the  Bavarian  Government's  act  in 
putting  three  through  trains  a  week  from  Munich  to 
points  in  Holland.  It  was  by  no  means  a  commercial 
venture.  These  trains,  proceeding  north  with  a  full 
complement  of  American  passengers,  have  to  return 
empty.  The  Government's  enterprise  costs  it  much 
more  than  any  financial  return  from  us,  although  some 
twelve  hundred  Americans  have  already  been  trans- 
ported in  this  way.  The  act  is  thus  one  of  genuine 
international  courtesy  and  kindness. 

There  is  another  thing  to  say  about  these  trains 
and  that  is  that  they  have  left  the  station  at  Munich 
exactly  on  time  and  with  a  grateful  lack  of  excite- 
ment and  hurry.  Some  of  the  passengers  have  been 
railway  men,  familiar  with  all  the  operations  of  trains, 
men  who  could  fully  appreciate  the  great  detail  in- 
volved in  arranging  the  operation  even  of  a  single 
train.  They  observed  the  systematic  railway  man- 
agement of  the  Bavarian  Government  with  admira- 
tion. This  admiration  was  doubled  as  they  con- 
sidered that  this  particular  management  was  in 
evidence  at  a  time  when  one  might  easily  imagine 
the  railway  stations  and  the  railway  service  in  a 
topsy-turvy  condition.  But  a  remarkable  organi- 
zation characterises  everything  connected  with  the 


$6  THE  WORLD  WAR 

Bavarian  or  any  other  of  the  German  Govern- 
ments. 

When  England  declared  war,  the  Munich  author- 
ities advised  that  the  use  of  the  English  language  be 
avoided  as  far  as  possible  on  the  streets.  Yet  beyond 
one  or  two  arrests  of  suspicious  characters,  no  one 
suffered  much  inconvenience,  so  far  as  I  know. 
Young  American  and  English  girls  were  able  to  go 
about  the  streets  alone  and  even  in  the  dense  throng 
in  the  Marienplatz,  when  the  news  of  the  great  battle 
near  Dieuze  arrived,  English-speaking  persons  were 
undisturbed. 

This  condition  indeed  quickly  gave  place  to  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  English  and  the  Americans 
though  I  have  heard  of  one  instance  where  even  an 
American  passport  did  not  suffice  to  save  a  former 
American  Minister  from  inexcusable  delay  and  incon- 
venience at  the  frontier,  and  of  another  instance  where 
well  known  Americans  were  persistently  regarded  as 
spies  and  outrageously  searched. 

Such  cruelties  are  in  marked  contrast  to  the  treat- 
ment of  Americans  here.  The  other  day  one  of 
our  countrywomen  entered  a  shop  where  just  once 
before  she  had  bought  a  large  bill  of  goods.  She 
was  personally  unknown  to  the  proprietor  but 
when  she  returned  he  remembered  her  face  and 
inquired : 


GERMANY:   THE   FOREIGNERS  57 

"Are  you  not  the  lady  who  bought  so-and-so  and 
so-and-so  recently?" 

"Yes." 

"Well,  we  have  heard  that  you  Americans  are  hav- 
ing difficulty  in  getting  enough  money  from  the  banks. 
Will  you  not  permit  us,  therefore,  to  return  to  you 
the  cash  you  paid  us?  We  shall  be  glad  to  accept  your 
cheque  instead." 

And  this  is  no  isolated  case.  Many  hotel  and  pen- 
sion keepers  spontaneously  made  the  same  proposal 
to  their  guests. 

An  American  flag  in  the  buttonhole  was  a  welcome 
sight  to  the  citizens  of  Munich  and  an  open  sesame 
not  only  to  conversation  but  also  to  an  entire  Hberty 
of  criticism  on  the  part  of  the  foreigner.  The  German 
would  begin:  "We  have  always  been  friends,  haven't 
we?  Do  not  let  our  occupation  of  Luxemburg  and 
Belgium  make  any  difference.  We  did  not  want 
to  do  it.  But  the  Government  says  it  had  to 
do  it." 

Indeed,  the  Government's  \'iolation  of  neutrality 
pledges  does  not  necessarily  mean  a  unanimous  ap- 
proval by  the  people.  This  was  disclosed  as  follows: 
We  foreigners  protested  against  the  violation,  enquir- 
ing, "What  is  international  law  for  if  not  for  use  in 
time  of  temptation?  But  even  the  excuse  of  sudden 
temptation  fails  if  years  ago,  your  General  Staff  de- 


58  THE   WORLD   WAR 

cided  to  invade  those  countries  with  or  without  per- 
mission. Our  Government,  we  hope,  has  protested." 
The  Germans  acquiesced.  They  said:  "We  do  not 
defend  the  act  as  ethically  right  for  we  know  that  it 
was  ethically  wrong.  But  our  necessity  knows  no 
law,  the  Government  thinks.  Our  necessity! — do 
you  understand  that  it  is  now  a  Hfe-and-death  struggle 
for  us?  We  want  to  Hve  and  not  die.  But  we  hope 
that  the  Government  will  never  have  to  act  that  way 
again." 

We  hope  so  too.  Yet,  if  critics  suppose  that  Ger- 
many thinks  it  not  ethically  wrong  to  break  her  word, 
they  might  well  make  a  distinction  as  to  whether  this 
is  the  opinion  of  the  mihtary  extremists,  at  present 
in  the  saddle,  or  whether  it  is  the  opinion  of  all  the 
people. 

At  the  same  time  the  violation  of  the  neutrality  of 
Luxemburg  and  Belgium,  as  our  German  friends  ad- 
mit, does  not  make  the  war  look  like  a  Befreiungskrieg 
on  the  western  border,  though  they  hope  it  may  ulti- 
mately be  such  on  the  eastern. 

The  popular  confidence  in  the  Government's  su- 
perior wisdom  if  not  superior  morahty  is,  however, 
entirely  subsidiary  and  subservient  to  the  German's 
basic,  passionate  devotion  to  his  Fatherland,  no  matter 
what  the  Government  of  the  day  may  do. 

We  foreigners  too  may  well  be  loyal  to  that  Father- 


GERMANY:   THE   FOREIGNERS  59 

land.  It  constitutes  the  background  of  our  friendli- 
ness for  this  people.  It  means  first  of  all  the  Protes- 
tant Reformation  but  it  also  means  the  inspiration  to 
research  which  thousands  of  American  students  have 
imbibed  in  German  Universities,  the  moulding  of  our 
thought  by  German  philosophy,  the  shaping  of  our 
American  systems  by  German  pedagogues,  the  special- 
izing by  scientific  methods,  making  a  practical  and 
serviceable  basis  of  education  for  all  forms  of  social 
and  industrial  development;  above  all,  the  profound 
influence  upon  us  of  German  poetry  and  music.  As 
we  think  of  these  things,  there  pass  before  the  mind's 
eye  the  figures  of  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Schleier- 
macher;  of  Fichte  and  Hegel;  of  Froebel  and  Paulsen, 
of  Ranke,  Mommsen  and  Curtius;  of  Lessing,  Schiller 
and  Goethe;  of  Bach,  Beethoven  and  Bralmis. 


VI 

FRANCE 

[The  Hague,  28th  August,  1914.] 

I 

The  Paris  streets  are  desolate.  They  are  unlighted. 
There  are  long  empty  distances  in  Paris;  there  are 
closed  doors  and  cellars;  there  are  vacant  hotels.  The 
cafes  close  at  8  o'clock  and  the  restaurants  at  9.30. 
At  10  all  is  quiet  and  deserted. 

The  most  valuable  pictures  in  the  Louvre  have 
been  packed  in  fireproof  cases  and  the  famous  Venus 
de  Milo  is  enclosed  in  a  heavy  steel  safe.  The  art 
treasures  from  the  chateaux  of  Compiegne  and  Chan- 
tilly  have  been  removed  so  as  not  to  be  in  the  path  of 
a  German  army  approaching  Paris. 

Why  should  France  be  involved  in  this  war? 

Is  it  because  she  wants  revenge  for  Alsace-Lorraine 
taken  from  her  by  Germany  in  1871?  That  motive 
doubtless  actuates  very  many  Frenchmen. 

Certainly,  during  the  first  period  after  the  war  of 
1870-71  it  seemed  to  be  the  great  motive  behind  the 
enormous  grants  made  by  the  French  Parliament  to 
increase  the  army  strength.  If  Bismarck  started  the 
whole  modern  movement  of  militarism  by  bringing 

60 


FRANCE  6 1 

about  the  Franco-German  war,  certainly  from  1871  to 
1904  France  directly  led  the  way  to  the  fearful  burdens 
involved  ever3rwhere  in  Europe  by  augmented  arms. 

For  instance,  the  law  of  1886  raised  the  French 
Army's  peace  footing  to  500,000  men  at  a  time  when 
the  German  peace  footing  numbered  only  427,000.  In 
contrasting  the  tempers  of  the  two  peoples,  one  notes 
that  the  German  Government  was  able  to  respond  to 
the  French  increase  by  one  of  but  41,000  men  and 
was  able  to  get  this  indeed  only  by  dissolving  that 
Reichstag  which  refused  it  and  by  making  a  strong 
appeal  to  its  successor. 

Seven  years  later,  namely,  in  1893,  the  period  of 
compulsory  German  service  was  reduced  from  three 
years  to  two  and  the  German  peace  footing  raised  to 
479,000  men.  Like  the  previous  German  Army  Bill, 
this  was  only  carried  through  the  Reichstag  after  a 
severe  struggle  with  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

In  1899  the  German  peace  footing  was  raised  to 
495,000  men,  a  total  still  below  the  French  500,000. 

Not  until  1904, — three-quarters  of  the  period  from 
187 1  to  the  present  time — was  a  law  introduced  to 
increase  the  German  peace  footing  beyond  the  French 
total,  and  then  only  by  5,000. 

The  French  thereupon  reduced  their  period  of 
service  from  three  years  to  two  and,  as  in  Germany, 
while  the  people  gladly  accepted  this  reduction  as 


62  THE   WORLD   WAR 

lightening  the  burden  upon  the  individual  conscript, 
they  hardly  realized  that  it  meant  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  those  who  were  to  pass  through  military 
training  and  hence  a  proportionate  numerical  increase 
in  the  army  itself. 

Since  then  France  has  raised  her  peace  footing  to 
545,000  men  and  her  war  footing  to  4,000,000. 

Germany  has  now  gone  far  ahead  of  these  totals. 
Her  reaUzation  of  the  possibilities  of  the  pan-Slav 
movement  caused  last  year's  sudden  demand,  re- 
sulting in  the  provision  for  the  increase  of  her  peace 
strength  to  870,000  men  and  of  her  war  strength  to 
5,400,000. 

The  main,  steady  argument  for  all  the  German  in- 
creases has  been  effective.  It  was  that  there  should 
be  a  constant  ratio  between  the  numbers  of  the  army 
and  the  numbers  of  the  people.  Since  the  Franco- 
German  war  the  French  population  has  remained 
practically  stationary.  Not  so  the  German.  It  has 
increased  from  38,000,000  to  65,000,000.  Should  not 
the  army  be  made  larger  proportionately? 

France  was  alarmed  at  the  announcement  of  this 
latest  German  army  increase  for  she  could  no  longer 
augment  her  own  forces.  However,  the  French  Prime 
Minister  afforded  about  as  much  of  a  motive  to  the 
German  Reichstag  members  to  pass  the  German  Gov- 
ernment's Bill  as  a  French  arm}^  increase,  authorized 


FRANCE  63 

by  the  French  Parliament,  would  have  been.  He  an- 
nounced that  he  would  keep  with  the  colors  those 
who  were  completing  their  second  year's  service. 
Yet,  even  with  this  incitement,  five  weeks  elapsed 
before  the  representatives  of  the  German  people 
passed  their  Government's  Bill. 

As  Russia,  not  France,  was  the  cause  of  the  bill, 
however,  the  Germans  were  not  surprised  that  Russia 
should  reply  to  their  army  increase  by  raising  the 
term  of  service  in  her  own  army  from  three  to  three 
and  a  quarter  years,  by  grouping  greatly  increased 
forces  upon  the  Russo- German  frontier,  by  pushing 
strategic  railways  thither  and  by  re-equipping  the 
border  fortresses. 

Meanwhile,  the  German  aggressive  naval  pro- 
gramme had  far  outstripped  that  of  France  or  of  any 
other  Continental  power. 

Yet  even  with  all  this  militarism  the  motive  of 
revenge  in  France  for  Alsace-Lorraine  has  lessened  in 
expression  at  least.  Some  years  ago  the  eloquent 
Socialist  orator,  Jean  Jaures,  recently  assassinated, 
proclaimed  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  that  France 
should  now  turn  her  attention  to  other  and  worthier 
aims  than  revenge.  For  this  he  received  emphatic 
applause  from  the  minority  members. 

If  revenge  for  Alsace-Lorraine  and  resentment  at 
some  exasperating  frontier  incidents  and  threats  do 


64  THE   WORLD   WAR 

not  fully  explain  why  France  is  involved  in  the  present 
war,  what  does?   The  Franco-Russian  alliance. 

After  her  defeat  in  187 1  France  naturally  felt  her- 
self isolated  in  Europe.  She  looked  about  for  a  friend. 
Finally  she  found  one,  Russia. 

This  might  have  been  foreseen.  In  the  first  place, 
French  civiHzation  had  always  appealed  most  of  any 
civilization  to  Russia.  The  Russian  educated  classes 
speak  French  as  well  as  do  the  French  themselves. 
Not  so  long  ago,  indeed,  the  aristocratic  Russian 
classes  spoke  French  among  themselves  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  their  own  language  and  with  a  resultant  com- 
placency over  those  who  spoke  Russian.  A  gratifying 
nationaHstic  sentiment  has  now  brought  about  a 
change  in  this  respect. 

A  second  reason  why  one  might  have  foreseen 
that  France  would  find  a  friend  in  Russia  was  because 
Russia  always  needs  money.  Who  could  supply  it 
so  well  as  France? — that  is  to  say,  the  ultimate  eco- 
nomic source  of  Europe,  the  French  peasant.  His 
traditions  and  customs  form  a  constant  source  of 
wealth. 

On  her  part  France  wanted  Russian  support.  One 
of  the  French  shortcomings  is  vanity.  Now  vanity 
had  received  a  blow  by  the  Franco- German  war  and 
still  more  by  the  isolation  which  followed  it.  France 
longed  for  a  friendly  hand.    She  was  overcome  with 


FRANCE  6$ 

joy,  therefore,  when  in  1875  the  Russian  Emperor 
Alexander  II.  stretched  forth  his  and  protected  France 
from  the  alleged  hostile  German  aggressions  of  that 
year. 

In  1879  another  cause  came  about  to  lead  France 
and  Russia  to  throw  themselves  into  each  other's 
arms.  If  we  find  one  far-away  source  of  the  present 
war  in  Russia's  resentment  at  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
(1878),  so  in  1879  we  may  find  another  in  the  union 
between  Germany  and  Austria.  This  union  was  to 
lead  as  we  are  now  seeing,  to  some  over-confidence 
on  the  part  of  those  allies.  But  the  union  immediately 
led  to  alarm  in  both  France  and  Russia  at  an  alliance 
caused  by  the  fear  of  Slavism — though  some  silly 
Frenchmen  chose  to  think  that  they  themselves  con- 
stituted an  equal  danger.  It  is  no  wonder  then  that 
there  was  a  yet  more  rapid  drawing-together  of  Russia 
and  France. 

In  1882  Italy  began  to  approach  the  Austro-German 
union,  and  then  joined  it  thus  forming  the  Triple 
AlHance — Germany,  Austria,  Italy. 

It  is  now  opposed  by  France,  Russia  and  England 
in  their  Triple  friendly  understanding  or  Entente — to 
give  it  its  French  name,  now  generally  used. 

This  Entente,  however,  has  referred  to  colonial  af- 
fairs rather  than  to  a  common  European  poUcy.  With 
France,  it  has  referred  to  Morocco  and  dates  from 


66  THE   WORLD  WAR 

1904.  With  Russia  it  has  referred  to  Persia,  Afghanis- 
tan and  Tibet  and  dates  from  1907. 

The  Entente  between  France  and  England  arose 
in  this  way.  The  exclusive  English  occupation  of 
Egypt,  begun  in  1882-83,  was,  and  until  1904,  con- 
tinued to  be  an  offence  to  France.  Though  in  the 
eighties,  as  now,  Egypt  was  nominally  bound  to  the 
Turkish  Sultan  as  overlord,  it  had  become  necessary, 
in  the  interests  of  civilization,  for  England  and  France, 
financially  and  economically  to  administer  the  Egyp- 
tian Government.  When,  however,  it  came  to  a  ques- 
tion of  armed  interference  to  dehver  Eg)^pt  from 
anarchy,  France  showed  herself  unready.  So  England 
had  to  accomplish  the  task  alone  and  the  condition 
of  Egypt  to-day  shows  how  well  she  did  it.  Naturally 
the  French  became  both  increasingly  out-of-sorts  with 
themselves  and  jealous  of  England's  success  in  the 
light  of  their  own  Government's  unwillingness  to  act. 

Meanwhile  their  increasing  interests  in  Morocco 
were  concentrating  their  attention  in  another  part  of 
Africa.  King  Edward  VII.  saw  in  this  a  chance  to 
conclude  a  mutually  desirable  compact.  For  French 
interests  in  Morocco  were  apparently  growing  to  be 
as  great  as  were  EngHsh  interests  in  Egypt.  Hence 
the  clever  King  and  his  clever  Foreign  Minister,  Lord 
Lansdowne,  brought  about  an  agreement  with  the 
French  Government.    By  it  England  promised  not  to 


FRANCE  67 

impede  the  extension  of  French  influence  in  Morocco. 
In  return,  France  formally  recognized  the  English 
occupation  of  Egypt.  Moreover,  the  two  Powers 
promised  each  other  diplomatic  support  in  case  of 
objections  from  other  Powers. 

An  objection  quickly  came.  It  was  from  Germany, 
who,  after  approving  the  new  Entente,  took  the  oc- 
casion of  the  Russian  defeat  by  Japan  in  1905  to  ob- 
ject that  no  provision  had  been  made  to  protect  the 
important  German  commercial  interests  in  Morocco. 
In  1905  William  II.  went  to  that  country  and  made 
an  announcement  at  Tangiers  itself  concerning  Ger- 
man interests.  The  German  Government  thereupon 
demanded  a  conference  of  the  Powers  to  consider  the 
whole  question.  Then,  as  now,  M.  Delcasse  was 
French  Foreign  Minister.  He  demurred  to  this  pro- 
posal. Finally,  however,  the  French  Government 
consented.  M.  Delcasse  resigned.  In  1906  the  Con- 
ference met  at  Algeciras,  Spain.  While  satisfying 
German  objections,  it  practically  confirmed  France  in 
her  dealings  with  Morocco.  Our  Ambassador  at  the 
Conference  was  Henry  White,  long  First  Secretary  of 
our  Embassy  at  London,  later  Ambassador  to  Italy 
and  then  to  France. 

That  England  steered  a  proper  course  throughout 
the  Moroccan  affair  was  disclosed  by  the  German 
Chancellor's  generous  statement  to  that  effect:  he 


68  THE   WORLD   WAR 

added  that  "Germany  bore  England  no  ill  will  be- 
cause England  and  France  had  come  into  closer 
relationship." 

In  191 1  that  relationship  was  suddenly  put  to  a 
severe  test  by  the  abrupt  German  occupation  of  the 
Moroccan  port  of  Agadir.  War  was  averted,  largely 
through  the  British  Government's  prompt  diplomatic 
action.  Henceforth  France  and  England  felt  them- 
selves threatened  by  the  menace  of  Germany.  The 
Entente  thereupon  inevitably  expanded  itself  from 
a  colonial  to  a  European  content.  This  is  shown  in 
the  interchange  of  letters  between  Sir  Edward  Grey, 
British  Foreign  Secretary,  and  M.  Paul  Cambon, 
French  Ambassador  in  London.    Sir  Edward  wrote: 

I  agree  that  if  either  Govemment  had  grave  reason  to 
expect  an  unprovoked  attack  by  a  third  Power,  or  some- 
thing that  threatened  the  general  peace,  it  should  imme- 
diately discuss  unth  the  other  whether  both  Governments 
should  act  together  to  prevent  aggression  and  to  preserve 
peace,  and,  if  so,  what  measures  they  would  be  prepared 
to  take  in  common.  If  these  measures  involved  action, 
the  plans  of  the  General  Staffs  would  at  once  be  taken  into 
consideration,  and  the  Governments  would  then  decide 
what  effect  should  be  given  to  them.  (British  White  Pa- 
per 105,  Enclosure  I.) 

On  the  following  day  M.  Cambon  replied  that  he 
was  authorized  to  accept  the  arrangement.  (British 
White  Paper  105,  Enclosure  II.)    It  will  be  noted  that 


FRANCE  69 

tliis  arrangement  bound  neither  France  nor  England 
to  co-operate,  even  diplomatically;  it  simply  bound 
them  to  discuss  any  menacing  situation  and,  if  they 
agreed  as  to  the  necessity  of  taking  common  measures, 
to  take  them. 

When  the  Servian  conflict  began,  France  naturally 
sympathized  with  her  ally,  Russia,  whose  prestige  in 
the  Balkans  was  directly  affected.  England,  on  the 
other  hand,  refused  any  solidarity  with  France  and 
Russia  on  this  question.  (British  White  Paper, 
Despatch  6.) 

As  we  have  seen,  France  agreed  to  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  proposal  of  July  26th  to  bring  about  a  Four- 
Power  Conference. 

On  July  27th  the  German  Government  received  its 
first  intimation  concerning  French  mihtary  prepara- 
tions; a  French  army  corps  had  discontinued  its 
manoeuvres  and  returned  to  its  garrison.  (German 
White  Book,  Exhibit  9.) 

On  July  29th  the  German  Government  discovered 
the  rapidly  progressing  preparations  by  France  both 
by  water  and  on  land  and  threatened,  as  a  counter- 
measure,  to  proclaim  a  state  of  "drohende  Kriegsge- 
fahr"  (imminent  danger  of  war).  (German  White 
Book,  Exhibit  17.) 

In  reply  to  this,  M.  Jules  Cambon,  French  Ambas- 
sador at  Berlin,  informed  the  German  Government 


70  THE   WORLD   WAR 

that  the  French  had  done  nothing  more  than  the 
Germans  had  done,  namely,  to  recall  officers  on  leave. 
(British  White  Paper,  Despatch  98.) 

Also  on  July  29th,  Germany  assured  England  that 
Germany  "aimed  at  no  territorial  acquisition  at  the 
expense  of  France,"  should  Germany  prove  victorious 
in  any  war  that  might  ensue.  (British  White  Paper, 
Despatch  85.) 

On  July  30th  the  French  Government  informed  the 
English  Government  that  France  would  not  remain 
neutral  in  a  war  between  Germany  and  Russia 
(British  White  Paper,  Despatch  105)  and  asked  Eng- 
land to  range  herself  on  the  side  of  France. 

On  July  31st  England  replied  that  she  would  give 
no  pledge,  while  admitting  that  "if  France  and  Ger- 
many became  involved  in  war,  we  should  be  drawn 
into  it."    (British  White  Paper,  Despatch  119.) 

On  the  same  day  the  German  Government  asked 
the  French  Government  if  it  would  remain  neutral  in  a 
Russo-German  war.  (German  Wliite  Book,  Exhibit 
25.)  The  reply  was  that  it  would  do  what  its  interests 
dictated.  (German  White  Book,  Exhibit  27.)  This 
was  regarded  in  Germany  as  a  subterfuge,  as  another 
way  of  saying  that  France  would  support  Russia. 
Thereupon  the  Kaiser  gave  the  order  to  mobilize  along 
the  French  frontier,  but  to  respect  it. 

France,  mobilizing  at  the  same  time  as  Germany 


FRANCE  71 

did,  assured  the  German  Government  that  the 
French  would  respect  a  neutral  zone  of  ten  kilometres 
(six  and  one-quarter  miles)  on  her  frontier.  (British 
White  Paper,  Despatch  140.)  Yet,  in  a  number  of 
instances,  the  German  Government  claims,  France 
broke  the  peace  across  the  border  before  the  opening 
of  actual  war. 

According  to  the  official  Norddeutsche  Allgemeine 
Zeitung,  on  August  ist  Sir  Edward  Grey  asked 
Prince  Lichnowsky,  German  Ambassador  in  London, 
whether,  if  France  remained  neutral  in  a  Russo- 
German  war,  Germany  would  promise  not  to  attack 
her.  Prince  Lichnowsky  replied  favorably  and  the 
Kaiser  telegraphed  to  King  George  that,  while  the 
mobilization  order  on  Germany's  east  and  west 
frontiers,  issued  that  afternoon,  could  not  be  counter- 
manded, if  France  offered  to  remain  neutral  and  the 
EngHsh  army  and  navy  should  guarantee  it,  he  would 
not  attack  France  and  would  turn  his  troops  in  an- 
other direction. 

Alas  for  this  last  opportunity  for  avoiding  war 
between  Germany  and  France.  The  English  state- 
ment, according  to  Prince  Lichnowsky,  had  been 
made  without  previous  consultation  with  France. 

The  English  position  with  regard  to  France  was 
thus  becoming  increasingly  interesting.  In  the  Mo- 
roccan quarrel,  England  had  been  definitely  pledged 


72  THE   WORLD   WAR 

to  side  with  France.  But  the  present  quarrel  had 
nothing  to  do  with  anything  on  which  England  had 
a  special  agreement  with  France.  What  then  was 
England  to  do?    Did  it  have  no  duty  in  the  matter? 

In  the  opinion  of  some  Englishmen,  England  would 
never  have  interfered  by  force  of  arms  on  behalf  of 
France  if  the  question  concerned  France  alone. 

In  the  opinion  of  others,  she  would  and  for  this 
reason. 

The  Anglo-French  Entente  had  brought  about  a 
feeling  that  there  would  be  more  or  less  material  co- 
operation between  England  and  France  in  any  menac- 
ing situation.  Hence  France  had  allowed  her  northern 
and  western  coasts  to  become  practically  undefended; 
the  French  fleet  has  been  concentrated  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, thus  allowing  the  English  fleet  to  be  more  and 
more  concentrated  in  the  EngKsh  Channel  where  it 
could  serve  both  England  and  France.  Under  these 
circumstances,  if  the  German  fleet  should  come  down 
the  English  Channel  and  bombard  the  practically 
unprotected  coast  of  France,  would  England  stand 
aside  and  do  nothing? 

England  might  not  have  declared  war.  But  that 
she  would  not  stand  aside  is  seen  in  her  action  on 
August  2d. 

The  prophecy  of  many  observers  concerning  Eng- 
lish aid  to  France  would  seem  to  have  been  borne  out 


FRANCE  73 

on  that  date  when  England  definitely  promised  that, 
"if  the  German  fleet  should  come  into  the  Channel  or 
through  the  North  Sea  to  undertake  hostile  operations 
against  French  coasts  or  shipping,  the  British  fleet 
will  give  all  the  protection  in  its  power."  (Sir  Edward 
Grey's  speech  of  August  3  in  the  House  of  Commons.) 

Is  it  then  just  to  assume  that  up  to  the  actual  viola- 
tion of  Belgian  neutrality  on  August  4th  the  English 
Government  had  no  intention  of  becoming  involved 
in  the  present  struggle?  Is  it  not  rather  true  that 
King  Edward's  act  of  1904  has  now  borne  fruit  in 
a  very  material  as  well  as  moral  mutual  aid  between 
England  and  France? 

On  August  2,  Germany  and  France  had  already 
begun  hostilities.  A  patrol  of  the  XIV  German  Army 
Corps  crossed  the  frontier.  However,  if  we  may 
beheve  the  Chief  of  the  German  General  Staff,  "long 
before  this  instance  occurred,  French  aviators  had 
thrown  bombs  on  our  railway  tracks  far  into  Southern 
Germany,  and  French  troops  had  attacked  our  fron- 
tier guard  on  the  Schlucht  Pass." 

LATER 

Conditions  in  France  have  become  specially  inter- 
esting because  Paris  is  now  added  to  Belgrade  and 
Brussels,  Antwerp  and  Ostend,  in  the  Hst  of  cities 
from  which  the  Government  has  had  to  flee.    Among 


74  THE   WORLD   WAR 

the  Ambassadors  who  were  in  Paris,  there  is  one  who 
has  emulated  the  fine  example  of  Elihu  Washburne, 
American  Minister  to  France  in  1871,  when  the  Ger- 
mans besieged  Paris.  Our  efficient  Ambassador, 
Myron  T.  Herrick,  remains  in  the  capital  and  is  the 
one  Ambassador  who  did  remain. 

The  new  Spanish  Ambassador  has  now  arrived  there, 
however.  On  this  hangs  a  tale.  His  predecessor  at 
the  time  of  the  French  Government's  flight  to  Bor- 
deaux did  not  agree  with  his  own  Government  as  to 
the  desirability  of  remaining  in  Paris.  His  resignation, 
therefore,  was  accepted  and  a  new  Ambassador  ap- 
pointed, General  Valtierra,  who  at  that  time  had  no 
intimation  that  he  was  being  considered  for  the  post. 
One  day,  when  asked  where  he  thought  the  Spanish 
Ambassador  should  be  in  the  present  crisis,  in  Paris 
or  in  Bordeaux,  answered:  "Paris;  there  is  nothing 
to  do  in  Bordeaux,  but  Paris  is  the  theatre  of  action. 
In  any  crisis  the  Ambassador  should  be  the  instru- 
ment and  not  the  ornament  of  his  Government." 
Thereupon  he  was  told  that  he  was  to  represent  Spain 
at  Paris.    He  went  thither  at  once. 

One  thing  which  may  be  immediately  done  by  the 
representatives  of  the  neutral  Powers  in  any  city, 
besieged  by  belligerents,  is  the  exertion  of  an  influence 
in  restraining  those  belligerents  from  the  destruction 
of   historic   monuments   and   works   of   art.     Quite 


FRANCE  75 

aside  from  the  pressing  exigencies  of  the  moment, 
the  general  statement  may  be  made  that  while  some 
one  nation  may  have  the  physical  ownership  of  these 
historic  monuments  and  works  of  art,  they  really 
belong  to  the  world. 

In  speaking  of  the  work  of  neutral  nations,  the 
Red  Cross  should  by  no  means  be  omitted.  While 
the  German  Red  Cross,  the  French  Red  Cross,  and 
the  British  Red  Cross  have  each  labored  nobly  in  the 
present  war,  special  mention  should  be  made  of  the 
American  Red  Cross.  More  than  any  other,  I  believe, 
our  own  society  adheres  to  the  fundamental  doc- 
trine of  the  Red  Cross  as  founded  at  Geneva  in  1864, 
namely,  that  it  must  be  absolutely  international  both 
in  scope  and  function. 

Moreover,  while,  in  the  light  of  late  developments 
it  seems  one's  first  duty  to  give  money  and  assistance 
tc  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund  and  while  one  would  like 
to  help  various  other  societies,  it  should  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  Red  Cross  is  the  only  official  society 
created  for  neutral  reHef  in  time  of  war;  it  is  the 
only  one  that  is  permanent  and  not  composed  of  a 
temporary  committee;  the  only  one  whose  receipts, 
records  and  reports  remain  on  permanent  ofiScial  file; 
the  others  are  expected  to  go  out  of  existence  at  the 
close  of  the  war.  Furthermore,  it  is  the  only  organiza- 
tion fully  equipped  not  only  to  receive  contributions 


76  THE   WORLD   WAR 

but  to  expend  them;  the  only  one  with  a  rich  fund  of 
experience  behind  it,  which  can  tell  it  instantly  how  to 
work  economically  and  efficiently,  and  finally,  it  may 
be  the  only  one  which  understands  the  art  of  making  a 
correct  re-accounting  to  its  patrons. 

The  American  Red  Cross  work  in  Munich,  as  I 
observed  it  for  a  month,  deserves  particular  mention. 
It  was  under  the  efficient  charge  of  Frau  Dr.  Nordhoff- 
Jung,  who  has  seen  fifteen  years  of  Red  Cross  serv- 
ice in  Washington.  The  large  hall  of  the  Christ- 
liches  Hospiz  was  scarcely  adequate  to  contain  the 
enthusiastic  assemblage,  mostly  American,  it  is  true, 
but  also  representative  of  other  nationalities.  Lec- 
ture courses  took  place  three  times  a  week  and  en- 
abled amateurs  to  aid  the  professional  nurses  with 
efficiency.  The  subsequent  demonstrations,  of  course 
fundamental  and  elementary,  constituted  an  intrinsic 
and  available  proportion  of  the  volunteers'  new  work- 
ing knowledge.  Many  of  those  volunteers  had  already 
some  preparation  for  the  work,  by  virtue  of  their 
knowledge  of  languages;  for  the  others,  lessons  in  it 
were  given  by  a  department  of  the  Red  Cross. 

A  chief  object  of  the  Red  Cross  work  in  Munich, 
was  the  establishment  near  the  city  of  a  Convalescent 
Hospital,  to  be  known  as  the  American  Red  Cross 
Hospital  and  to  enlist  in  its  service  those  persons  who 
were  willing  to  nurse  permanently.    The  work  was 


FRANCE  77 

the  more  appealing  because  of  the  early  arrival  at 
Munich,  as  a  great  hospital  centre,  of  wounded  Ger- 
mans from  the  battlefield,  and  not  only  Germans 
but  also  the  wounded  soldiers  of  other  nationalities. 

In  Paris  a  similar  endeavor  has  been  in  progress. 
An  American  Hospital  has  been  established  in  the 
Lycee  Pasteur  in  Neuilly,  a  new  building,  large  and 
well  adapted  to  the  purpose.  The  Lycee  is  a  second- 
ary school  just  built  but  not  yet  occupied.  To  Amer- 
ican initiative  the  French  owe  that  provision  was  made 
at  a  critical  moment  impartially  for  all  the  wounded. 
There  was  room  for  a  thousand  beds.  The  difficulty 
was  to  obtain  enough  doctors  and  nurses.  Eminent 
surgeons  from  America  and  American  doctors  in  Paris 
worked  all  through  the  nights.  Dr.  Dubouchet,  Dr. 
Blake  and  other  surgeons  performed  wonderful  opera- 
tions and  gave  marvellous  object  lessons  in  surgery. 

Another  thing:  The  response  to  the  calls  for  money 
has  been  good,  but  the  needs  of  the  Institution  are 
destined  to  be  great.  The  management  has  deter- 
mined that  its  expenditure  shall  not  exceed  its  receipts. 
That  is  Mr.  Herrick's  special  advice  and  care. 

During  the  disorganization  which  followed  the  re- 
treat from  Mons,  the  hospital  was  an  infinite  blessing 
to  the  French  and  EngUsh.  But  after  the  battle  of 
Meaux,  near  Paris,  they  recognized  that  a  particular 
defect  lay  in  the  absence  of  motor  ambulances.    The 


78  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Americans  in  Paris  quickly  mobilized  their  own  cars. 
They  took  the  wounded  from  Meaux  and  brought 
them  back  to  the  American  Hospital.  They  did  more. 
They  equipped  a  fleet  of  ambulances,  of  light  cars 
which  could  be  driven  across  country  away  from  the 
road,  when  the  need  arose.  And  these  were  driven 
by  young  Americans  who  quickly  became  expert 
stretcher-bearers. 

In  no  country  has  the  religious  result  of  this  war 
been  more  apparent  than  in  France.  Before  the  war 
there  was  conflict  between  the  Church  and  the  State. 
Before  the  war  there  were  on  the  one  hand,  "the 
clerical  terror"  and  "the  scarlet  woman;"  on  the 
other  hand,  there  were  rank  infidelity,  scepticism, 
atheism.  But  now!  The  bravery  shown  by  the  sons 
of  the  Church  has  at  least  for  the  moment  reconciled 
their  opponents  to  them.  Everywhere  priests  have 
been  distinguished  for  their  heroism  and  their  devo- 
tion is  shared  by  many  members  of  religious  Orders, 
both  men  and  women.  For  instance,  the  Abbe  Luchat 
became  a  sergeant  in  the  cyclist  corps  and  was  killed 
on  the  field  of  battle.  The  Abbe  Monbru,  a  lieutenant 
of  Infantry,  fell  at  the  head  of  his  company.  Another, 
Abbe  Grenier,  was  struck  down  while  leading  his  men 
in  a  charge.  Abbe  Fumin,  an  ensign,  died  also  in 
battle.  There  are  already  a  dozen  Abbes  either  officers, 
non-commissioned  officers  or  private  soldiers,  who  have 


FRANCE  79 

given  their  lives  in  this  war  for  their  country.  One  of 
them,  Abbe  Buscog  dashed  to  the  attack  with  his 
men  while  crying  *'I  am  a  priest.  I  fear  not  death, 
En  avant!" 

All  religious  quarrels  are  now  forgotten.  In  the 
provincial  French  towns  the  Mother  Superior  of  the 
Convent  may  actually  be  seen  in  the  "cantine  scolaire 
laique"  side  by  side  with  and  talking  in  a  friendly 
manner  with  the  mistress  of  the  lay  school! 


VII 

LUXEMBURG  AND  BELGIUM 

[Utrecht,  2gth  August,  1914.] 

The  German  attack  on  France  was  subject  to  the 
following  conditions.  Half  the  Franco- German  border 
is  protected  by  the  Vosges  mountains.  Just  north  of 
the  Swiss  frontier  is  the  opening  known  as  the  Trouee 
de  Belfort  through  those  mountains,  an  opening 
commanded  in  France  by  the  well-nigh  impregnable 
fortress  of  Belfort.  Stretching  to  the  north  is  a  line 
of  redoubtable  French  ramparts,  the  line  marked  by 
Epinal,  Toul  and  Verdun,  extending  behind  and  be- 
yond the  mountains  to  the  point  where  the  territories 
of  France,  Luxemburg  and  Germany  come  together. 
North  of  this  the  French  frontier  faces  two  neutral 
states,  namely,  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg  and 
the  Kingdom  of  Belgium.  Convinced  that  England 
was  as  much  interested  as  herself  in  preventing  the 
invasion  of  Belgium,  the  Franco-Belgian  frontier  is 
only  sHghtly  fortified  in  comparison  with  the  fortifica- 
tions on  the  border  facing  Germany.  Thus  if  a  Ger- 
man army,  intending  to  attack  the  French,  could  cross 

80 


LUXEMBtTRG  AND  BELGIUM  8l 

those  neutral  territories,  an  entrance  into  France 
ought  to  be  comparatively  easy. 

When  the  present  exigency  arose,  the  German 
army,  to  the  complete  surprise  of  us  foreigners,  was 
directed  to  cross  Luxemburg!  And  this,  despite  the 
neutrality  treaty  which  we  supposed  would  protect  its 
territory. 

On  August  2d  the  German  Imperial  Chancellor  tele- 
graphed to  the  Luxemburg  Government  that  the 
mihtary  measures  to  be  taken  that  day  did  not  con- 
stitute a  hostile  act  against  Luxemburg,  but  were 
only  intended  to  insure  against  a  possible  French  at- 
tack; moreover  that  full  compensation  would  be  paid 
to  Luxemburg  for  any  damage  caused  by  using  the 
railways  which  were  leased  to  the  Empire. 

The  Luxemburg  Government  protested  but  did 
not  appeal  to  the  Powers  as  it  might  and  should  have 
done.  Li  his  speech  of  August  4th  to  the  Reichstag 
Herr  von  Bethmann  Hollweg,  the  German  Chancellor, 
acknowledged  that  Germany  had  been  acting  contrary 
to  International  Law.    He  said : 

We  are  now  in  a  state  of  necessity,  and  necessity  knows 
no  law.  Our  troops  have  occupied  Luxemburg  and  per- 
haps are  already  on  Belgian  soil.  Gentlemen,  that  is  con- 
trary to  the  dictates  of  international  law.  .  .  .  The 
wrong — I  speak  openly — that  we  are  committing  we  will 
endeavor  to  make  good  as  soon  as  our  mihtary  goal  has 
been  reached.    Anyone  who  is  threatened  as  we  are  threat- 


82  THE   WORLD   WAR 

ened,  and  is  fighting  for  his  highest  possessions,  can  only 
have  one  thought — how  he  is  to  hack  his  way  through. 

Before  the  French  Revolution  the  Duchy  of  Luxem- 
burg had  been  subject  to  Austria.  At  the  Peace  of 
1814  it  was  given  to  the  King  of  Holland,  as  an  offset 
for  the  ancient  possessions  of  his  family  in  Nassau. 
The  Congress  of  Vienna  (18 14-15)  decided  that,  on 
behalf  of  the  Gennanic  Confederation,  just  formed, 
all  the  lands  between  the  Meuse  and  the  Rhine  should 
be  held  by  Prussian  troops.  Later  the  Grand  Duchy 
also  joined  the  Prussian  Customs  Union. 

In  1866  the  Germanic  Federation  came  to  an  end. 
Though  Napoleon  III.  proposed  that  Luxemburg 
should  be  annexed  to  France  (in  1871  Thiers  made  the 
same  proposal),  the  little  State  was  already  more 
German  than  French.  Austria  suggested  that  it  be 
united  with  Belgium,  which,  in  its  turn,  might  cede  a 
small  section  to  France.  This  arrangement  would 
have  been  accepted  by  both  France  and  Germany 
and  might  possibly  have  averted  the  war  between 
them  four  years  later.  But  it  was  not  accepted  by 
the  Belgian  King  who  would  not  part  with  any  of  his 
territory  even  if  he  might  gain  other  equally  good 
territory.  Accordingly,  Prussia,  acknowledging  that 
her  troops  should  now  be  retired,  proposed  an  arrange- 
ment which  did  her  great  credit,  namely,  that  the 
Grand    Duchy    should    be    perpetually    neutralized 


LUXEMBURG  AND   BELGIUM  83 

under  the  Powers'  collective  guaranty.  This  was 
done  in  1867  by  a  treaty  signed  at  London  by  England, 
Austria,  France,  Prussia  and  Russia. 

Until  the  violation  of  Luxemburg's  neutrality  by 
the  very  Power  which  brought  it  about,  the  only  sim- 
ilar occurrence  took  place  in  1870  when  the  German 
Government  called  attention  to  the  fact  that,  though 
a  neutral  state  is  bound  to  refuse  to  grant  a  right  of 
passage  to  a  belligerent,  both  France  and  Luxemburg 
had  violated  the  neutraHty  by  giving  facilities  to 
French  soldiers  to  return  to  France. 

Why  is  not  the  violation  of  Luxemburg  territory 
just  as  much  a  cause  for  war  as  the  violation  of  Bel- 
gian territory?  Why  is  it  not  really  more  of  a  viola- 
tion?— since  Luxemburg  is  helpless  and  cannot  defend 
her  rights? — a  striking  plea  for  the  strong  man  armed! 

Why  did  not  England,  a  signatory  to  the  Luxem- 
burg neutrality  treaty,  immediately  protest?  Why 
did  not  France,  another  signatory,  protest? — especi- 
ally France,  Luxemburg's  next-door  neighbor  and  the 
Power  most  immediately  concerned.  France  had  thus 
cause  for  proceeding  to  war,  even  if  on  that  very  day 
she  were  not  directly  proceeding  to  it. 

Finally,  why  did  not  our  own  Government  protest? 
It  was  a  signatory  to  the  Hague  Convention  which 
promised  that  the  territory  of  the  neutral  powers 
should  be  inviolable.    Did  we  not  consider  ourselves 


84  THE  WORLD   WAR 

also  bound  to  see  that  the  regulations  were  actually 
observed?  Or  did  we  think  that  the  later  clause  as  to 
our  freedom  from  entangling  European  alliances  ex- 
cused us? 


Now  as  to  Belgium. 

In  1830  Belgium  revolted  from  Holland  and  estab- 
lished her  own  independence. 

In  1 83 1,  England,  Austria,  France,  Prussia  and 
Russia  declared,  by  the  Treaty  of  London,  that  Bel- 
gium was  not  only  an  independent  but  also  a  neutral 
state.    This  was  reaffirmed  in  1839. 

In  1866,  so  it  was  alleged,  M.  Benedetti,  the  French 
representative  in  Prussia,  proposed  that,  as  an  ofifset 
for  the  Prussian  conquest  of  Schleswig,  Prussia  should 
assist  France  in  acquiring  Belgium!  This  proposal 
however  had  the  effect  some  years  later  of  bringing 
about  a  new  Treaty  (1870)  by  which  it  was  agreed 
that  if  either  France  or  Prussia  violated  Belgian  terri- 
tory, England  would  unite  with  the  other  in  its  de- 
fence. A  cartoon  in  Punch  for  August  of  that  year 
shows  England,  armed,  encouraging  Belgium  with 
the  words  "Trust  me.  Let  us  hope  they  won't  trouble 
you,  dear  friend.    But  if  they  do " 

The  Treaty  of  1870  guaranteeing  Belgian  neutrality 
laid  a  duty  upon  England  which  the  Luxemburg 
Treaty  did  not.    The  Belgian  Treaty  guaranty  is  an 


LUXEMBURG  AND   BELGIUM  8$ 

individual  one,  by  which  England  binds  herself  to  co- 
operate with  the  one  contracting  Power  when  the  other 
contracting  Power  violates  Belgian  territory.  The 
Luxemburg  Treaty  on  the  other  hand  was  a  collective 
contract,  by  which  England  with  certain  cosignatories 
agreed  to  protect  Luxemburg's  neutrality. 

Finally,  in  addition  to  the  above  Treaties,  the 
Hague  Convention  of  1907  reafhrms  these  principles 
concerning  "The  Rights  and  Duties  of  Neutral 
Powers  and  Persons  in  War  on  Land": 

(i)  The  territory  of  neutral  Powers  is  inviolable, 
(2)  Belligerents  are  forbidden  to  move  across  the  terri- 
tory of  a  neutral  power  troops  or  convoys,  either  of 
munitions  of  war  or  supplies. 

Despite  these  Treaties,  on  July  24th,  Belgium 
valiantly  made  preparations  to  meet  a  possible  in- 
vasion. (Belgian  Grey  Book,  2.)  Germany  said  that 
"it  depended  on  the  action  of  France  what  operations 
Germany  might  be  forced  to  enter  upon  in  Belgium, 
but  that  when  the  war  was  over,  Belgian  integrity 
would  be  respected  if  she  had  not  sided  against  Ger- 
many."   (British  White  Paper,  85.) 

When  our  own  Government  learned  this,  why 
did  it  not  immediately  protest  under  the  Hague 
Convention?  Did  it  abstain,  also  under  that  Con- 
vention? 


86  THE   WORLD  WAR 

On  July  31st  innocent  Belgium  declared  that  she 
would  do  her  utmost  to  defend  her  neutrality.  (Bel- 
gian Grey  Book,  11.) 

On  the  same  date  England  asked  France  and  Ger- 
many if  they  would  respect  Belgian  neutrahty.  (Brit- 
ish White  Paper,  114.)  The  reply  of  France  was  as 
follows: 

The  French  Government  is  resolved  to  respect  the  neu- 
trality of  Belgium,  and  it  would  only  be  in  the  event  of 
some  other  Power  violating  that  neutrality  that  France 
might  find  herself  under  the  necessity,  in  order  to  assure 
the  defence  of  her  security,  to  act  otherwise.  (British 
White  Paper,  125.) 

The  reply  of  Germany  was  the  expression  of  a 
doubt  as  to  whether  any  answer  could  really  be  given 
at  all,  because  any  reply  would  not  fail,  in  the  event  of 
war,  to  disclose  to  a  certain  extent  part  of  the  Ger- 
man plan  of  campaign!  This  was  as  much  as  to  say 
that  the  German  Government  expected  the  German 
Army  to  cross  Belgium. 

In  truth,  neither  the  French  nor  the  German  as- 
surances respecting  Belgian  neutrahty  indicated  that 
there  had  been  any  reaHzation  that  the  promise  to 
respect  neutrahty  might  be  supposed  to  be  absolute, 
not  relative.  Indeed,  the  question  was,  in  the  minds 
of  some:  Who  would  get  there  first? 

Though  I  have  as  yet  seen  no  documentary  proof, 


LUXEMBURG  AND   BELGIUM  87 

the  Germans  claim  that  the  French  got  there  first, 
that  the  French  troops  crossed  into  Belgium  on  Au- 
gust I  St — while  on  the  2d  Germany  was  requesting 
Belgium's  permission  to  cross  a  part  of  her  territory — 
and  that  French  officers  were  later  captured  by  the 
Germans  at  Liege. 

The  German  request  to  the  Belgian  Government 
was,  however,  both  an  ultimatum  and  a  menace  to 
inofifensive  Belgium — a  country  which  only  asked 
to  be  let  alone.  It  was  for  a  free  passage  through 
Belgian  territory,  Germany  promising  to  maintain 
the  independence  and  integrity  of  the  kingdom  and 
its  possessions  at  the  conclusion  of  peace,  but  threaten- 
ing, in  case  of  refusal,  to  treat  Belgium  as  an  enemy! 
An  answer  was  requested  within  twelve  hours.  (Bel- 
gian Grey  Book,  20,  22,  24.) 

The  Belgian  Government  categorically  refused  this 
insulting  request,  justly  deeming  it  a  flagrant  violation 
of  the  Law  of  Nations. 

On  August  3d,  King  Albert  of  Belgium  telegraphed 
to  King  George  of  England  as  follows: 

Remembering  the  numerous  proofs  of  your  Majesty's 
friendship  and  that  of  your  predecessor  and  the  friendly 
attitude  of  England  in  1870  and  the  proof  of  friendship  you 
have  just  given  us  again,  I  make  a  supreme  appeal  to  the 
diplomatic  intervention  of  your  Majesty's  Government  to 
safeguard  the  integrity  of  Belgium.  (British  White 
Paper,  153;  Belgian  Grey  Book,  25). 


88  THE   WORLD   WAR 

On  the  same  day  the  German  Chancellor  said  in  his 
address  to  the  Reichstag: 

We  have  informed  the  English  Government  that,  as 
long  as  England  remains  neutral,  our  fleet  will  not  attack 
the  northern  coast  of  France  and  that  we  will  not  touch 
the  territorial  integrity  and  independence  of  Belgium. 
These  assurances  I  now  repeat  before  the  world  and  I  may 
add  that,  as  long  as  England  remains  neutral  v/e  would  also 
be  willing,  upon  reciprocity  being  assured,  to  take  no  war- 
like measures  against  French  commercial  shipping. 

The  German  Government  also  instructed  Prince 
Lichnowsky,  German  Ambassador  at  London,  as  fol- 
lows: 

Please  dispel  any  mistrust  that  may  subsist  on  the  part 
of  the  British  Government  with  regard  to  our  intentions, 
by  repeating  most  positively  formal  assurance  that,  even 
in  the  case  of  armed  conflict  with  Belgium,  Germany  will, 
under  no  pretence  whatever,  annex  Belgian  territory.  .  .  . 
Please  impress  upon  Sir  E.  Grey  that  German  army  could 
not  be  exposed  to  French  attack  across  Belgium,  which 
was  planned  according  to  absolutely  unimpeachable  in- 
formation. Germany  had  consequently  to  disregard  Bel- 
gian neutrality,  it  being  for  her  a  question  of  life  or  death 
to  prevent  French  advance.    (British  White  Paper,  157.) 

On  the  same  day,  Sir  Edward  Grey  thus  telegraphed 
to  the  British  Minister  at  Brussels: 

You  should  inform  Belgian  Government  that  if  pressure 
is  appHed  to  them  by  Germany  to  induce  them  to  depart 


LUXEMBURG  AND  BELGIUM  89 

from  neutrality,  His  Majesty's  Government  expect  that 
they  will  resist  by  any  means  in  their  power,  and  that  His 
Majesty's  Government  will  support  them  in  offering  such 
resistance,  and  that  His  Majesty's  Government  in  this 
event  are  prepared  to  join  Russia  and  France,  if  desired, 
in  offering  to  the  Belgian  Government  at  once  common 
action  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  use  of  force  by  Germany 
against  them,  and  a  guaranty  to  maintain  their  inde- 
pendence and  integrity  in  future  years.  (British  White 
Paper,  Despatch  155). 

Sir  Edward  Grey  instructed  Sir  Edward  Goschen, 
British  Minister  at  Berlin,  to  present  this  ultimatum: 

We  hear  that  Germany  has  addressed  note  to  Bel- 
gian Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  stating  that  German 
Government  will  be  compelled  to  carry  out,  if  necessary 
by  force  of  arms,  the  measures  considered  indispen- 
sable. 

We  are  also  informed  that  Belgian  territory,  has  been 
violated  at  Gemmenich. 

In  these  circumstances,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Ger- 
many decHned  to  give  the  same  assurance  respecting  Bel- 
gium as  France  gave  last  week  in  reply  to  our  request  made 
simultaneously  at  Berlin  and  Paris,  we  must  repeat  that 
request,  and  ask  that  a  satisfactory  reply  to  it  and  to  my 
telegram  of  this  morning  be  received  here  by  12  o'clock 
to-night.  If  not,  you  are  instructed  to  ask  for  your  pass- 
ports, and  to  say  that  His  Majesty's  Government  feel 
bound  to  take  all  steps  in  their  power  to  uphold  the  neu- 
trahty  of  Belgium  and  the  observance  of  a  treaty  to  which 
Germany  is  as  much  a  party  as  ourselves.  (British  White 
Paper,  159.) 


90  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Now  what  are  Treaties?  Promises  to  be  kept  in 
fair  weather  and  not  in  foul?  Apparently,  if  we  may 
believe  Dr.  von  Bethmann  Hollweg's  words  as  re- 
ported by  Sir  Edward  Goschen  on  learning  the 
British  Ambassador's  instructions: 

He  said  that  the  step  taken  by  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment was  terrible  to  a  degree;  just  for  a  word — "neutral- 
ity," a  word  which  in  war  time  had  so  often  been  disre- 
garded— just  for  a  scrap  of  paper  Great  Britain  was  going 
to  make  war  on  a  kindred  nation  who  desired  nothing  bet- 
ter than  to  be  friends  with  her.    (British  Blue  Book,  i6o.) 

A  scrap  of  paper!  The  words  will  return  to  plague 
him  who  uttered  them.  And  they  will  return  to 
plague  every  Government  and  individual  that  takes 
advantage  of  the  infamous  old  adage,  ''Might  makes 
Right." 

The  German  Army  has  invaded  Belgium.  It  has 
captured  Liege,  Brussels,  Namur  and  other  places. 
In  all  this,  as  we  foreigners  in  Germany  at  the  time 
openly  charged,  it  has  defied  international  ethics. 
Our  German  friends  mournfully  admitted  the  truth 
of  all  this,  explaining  on  behalf  of  the  Government 
that  dire  necessity  forced  it  to  such  action. 

Perhaps  the  German  militarists  might  have  thought 
twice  had  they  reahzed  what  was  to  follow.  Though 
sympathizing  with  France,  England,  so  long  as  Belgian 
neutrality  was  kept  inviolate,  made  no  declaration  of 


LUXEMBURG   AND   BELGIUM  QI 

war.  But  the  moment  when  that  neutrality  was  vio- 
lated then  England's  duty,  in  the  opinion  of  practically 
every  Englishman,  was  clear.  England  could  not 
permit  a  great  Power  openly  to  tear  up  the  solemn 
promises  which  it  had  made  with  the  rest  of  the 
Powers.  With  all  his  bluntness  would  Bismarck  have 
broken  Belgian  neutraUty?  He  did  not  do  so  in  1870 
and  why  now? 

If  Germany  is  fighting  to  stem  the  tide  of  Slavism, 
so  England  is  equally  fighting  for  a  great  principle. 
If  England  wins,  international  law  and  international 
ethics  will  win. 

But  somethim  a?lse  has  come — inhumanity. 

If  the  Germans  Lad  merely  taken  a  small  strip  of 
Belgian  territory  at  .the  south  without  injuring  the 
inhabitants  or  being  injured  by  them,  the  case  for 
humanity  would  have  been  different.  But,  as  in 
Germany  we  read  of  revolting  outrages  wreaked  by 
Belgians  on  wounded  German  soldiers,  here  we  read 
also  of  revolting  reprisals  wreaked  by  unwounded 
German  soldiers  upon  Belgian  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren all  over  the  kingdom.  We  hear  of  the  bombard- 
ment of  undefended  towns.  We  hear  of  dreadful 
pillage,  of  the  destruction  of  many  unoffending  homes; 
of  churches,  museums,  schools,  universities;  of  notable 
memorials  of  architecture,   sculpture,  painting  and 


92  THE    WORLD   WAR 

stained  glass.  We  hear  of  the  levying  of  staggering 
contributions,  of  the  seizure  of  funds  belonging  to 
private  persons  and  local  authorities,  and  of  collective 
penalties  for  individual  acts.  Above  all,  we  hear  of  the 
attempt  to  terrorize  a  country  by  bestial  and  brutal 
cruelty  to  its  non-combatants. 

And  yet  each  of  these  things  is  prohibited  by  The 
Hague  regulations  as  well  as  by  common  decency. 

Doubtless  most  of  the  stories  of  atrocities,  submitted 
by  either  side  are  exaggerations.  But,  even  if  a  quarter 
were  true,  there  would  be  the  necessity  for  a  tribunal 
(which  we  should  convoke)  of  neutral  iudges  to  decide, 
after  hearing  evidence,  as  to  the  accuracy  of  the  facts 
alleged  and  to  take  whatever  action  .  ,.ht  be  necessary 
to  vindicate  the  authority  of  international  law. 

We  thought  the  atrocities  in  the  Balkan  wars, 
whether  committed  by  Turk  or  Bulgarian,  incredible, 
and  yet  these  committed  in  Belgium,  are  hardly  char- 
acteristic even  of  the  Gothic  invaders  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  Of  course,  the  responsibility  rests  upon 
the  invaders  of  the  Belgian  Kingdom.  The  posi- 
tion of  that  Kingdom  was  likened  the  other  day  to 
that  of  a  little  boy  who  owns  a  boat.  A  rough  fellow, 
who  has  agreed  not  to  bother  him,  steps  up  and  says: 
"Will  you  let  me  have  your  boat  to  row  across  the 
stream?  No?  Then  I'll  take  it  away,  and  if  you 
interfere,  I'll  knock  you  on  the  head." 


VIII 
HOLLAND 

[Vlissingen  (Flushing),  sotli  August,  igi4.] 

Arriving  at  The  Hague  in  these  days  the  first  duty 
and  privilege  of  most  Americans  is  to  go  immediately 
to  their  Legation. 

The  Legation  is  no  longer  in  the  little  house  on  the 
Lange  Voorhout,  next  to  the  Hotel  des  Indes,  but 
further  along  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  that  de- 
lightful drive,  in  a  splendid  mansion,  with  a  charming 
garden  at  its  back. 

The  spacious  rooms  of  the  Legation  are  full  to  over- 
flowing with  secretaries,  clerks,  stenographers,  type- 
writers, messengers.  At  least  six  times  their  number 
of  eager  American  travellers  confronts  them.  All 
the  travellers  are  bent  on  obtaining  the  very  latest 
information  concerning  ways  and  means  to  get  home. 
As  in  other  cities  on  the  Continent,  there  is,  of  course, 
a  great  rush  of  our  countrymen  and  women  to  obtain 
information  as  to  how  to  get  their  letters  of  credit 
and  travellers'  cheques  cashed,  and,  if  deprived  of 
financial  resources,  how  to  "raise  the  wind."  But 
the  financial  situation  has  now  very  much  improved. 

93 


94  THE   WORLD  WAR 

About  everyone  seems  to  have  been  provided  for  in 
some  way  or  other.  In  its  turn,  the  transportation 
situation  has  been  improved  and  there  is  proportion- 
ate satisfaction. 

It  is  noteworthy  how,  in  a  very  short  time,  Dr. 
Henry  van  Dyke,  our  Minister  to  tliis  country,  has 
gathered  about  him  a  large  and  fine  staff  of  young 
men.  They  are  as  busy  as  bees.  They  are  working 
cheerfully  and  patiently  from  morning  to  midnight. 

Indeqd,  the  story  of  this  war  will  not  be  entirely 
told  without  reference  to  the  services  rendered  to 
the  English  and  French  and  Germans  and  other  na- 
tionals in  belHgerent  countries  by  our  Ambassadors 
and  Ministers  and  Consuls  in  affording  them  protec- 
tion as  well  as  to  our  own  countrymen  and  women 
there.  Secondly,  there  must  also  be  mention  of  the 
services  rendered  by  the  large  number  of  unselfish 
Americans  abroad  who  have  spent  themselves  in  per- 
sonal service  so  that  others  might  be  benefited .  Though 
Holland  is  belligerent  territory  for  no  one,  the  Lega- 
tion at  The  Hague  has  been  as  overworked  as  has  any 
Embassy  or  Consulate  anywhere,  this  chiefly  because 
of  the  many  thousands  of  Americans  who  have  come 
northwards  into  this  happy  neutral  land  with  its 
neutral  ports. 

Arriving  in  Holland  from  Germany  we  expected 
that,  because  we  were  entering  a  neutral  country, 


HOLLAND  95 

we  would  not  see  much  military  activity.  Quite  the 
contrary  was  the  fact.  There  seemed,  in  proportion, 
just  as  much  as  in  Germany.  For  Holland,  though 
not  at  war  with  anyone,  has  been  mobilizing  too — 
against  a  possible  emergency — and  the  mobilization 
has  been  carried  out  with  efficient  energy.  In  a  week's 
time,  the  active  force  has  been  trebled. 

So  far  so  good,  though  here,  as  in  Germany,  one 
quickly  distinguishes  the  reserve  troops  from  the 
regulars  by  their  less  soldierly  air  and,  as  is  natural, 
also  by  a  less  aloofness  from  the  civilians. 

It  seemed  necessary  to  the  Dutch  Government  to 
mobilize  without  delay.  We  learned  about  this  at 
first  hand  for  into  the  first-class  compartment  of  our 
railway  carriage  to-day  there  came  officers  and  sol- 
diers too.  If  the  soldiers  are  too  many  for  the  third 
class,  then  they  overflow  into  the  second,  and  if  too 
many  for  the  second  then  into  the  first.  It  is  always 
more  interesting  to  me,  however,  when  travelling 
alone,  to  go  third  class,  both  for  economy  and  because 
one  learns  to  know  the  people  better. 

We  talked  with  the  soldiers  and  the  officers  and 
so  got  acquainted  with  the  Dutch  nation  in  arms. 
Should  it  come  to  war  between  Holland  and  any 
other  country,  the  Dutch,  I  have  no  doubt,  would 
show  themselves  worthy  of  their  heroic  history.  As  far 
as  readiness  is  concerned,  they  have  already  done  so. 


96  THE   WORLD   WAR 

The  feeling  here  is  fierce  for  defence  against  any  vio- 
lation of  Dutch  neutrality,  whether  of  territory  or 
trade. 

If,  for  instance,  Germany  or  England  should  act 
out  of  harmony  with  The  Hague  Convention  by  sow- 
ing mines  in  the  North  Sea  without  regard  for  the 
rights  of  neutral  commercial  shipping,  but  especially 
if  Germany  should  repeat  in  Holland  her  action  in 
Belgium  of  violating  neutral  territory,  the  Dutch 
course  would  be  indicated  by  the  words  of  Dr.  Colen- 
rander,  the  historian,  in  the  current  Gids.     He  says: 

Deeply  shocked,  Holland  extends  its  sincerest  sympathy 
to  Belgium,  so  heavily  overtaken  in  defending  a  right  for 
which  we  also,  in  the  event  of  that  right  being  contested, 
must  stand  or  fall.  Hostile  bullets  shall  torture  our 
flesh  less  if  we  defend  our  principles  than  would  remorse  of 
conscience,  should  we  forsake  our  duty.  For  our  part  we 
can  still  say  "Peace  and  Right,"  wliile  standing  armed. 

But  there  has  been  something  else  than  violation 
of  Belgian  territory  and  concerning  it  Dutch  opinion 
is  justly  no  less  stern.  We  find  it  expressed  in  the  lead- 
ing weekly  paper  of  Amsterdam,  the  Weekhlad  voor 
Nederland: 

Louvain,  the  wonderful  Louvain,  has  been  devastated 
and  the  people  have  been  slaughtered  or  driven  away,  dev- 
astated by  the  German  army,  whose  business,  we  are  told, 
is  to  defend  Kuliur  against  Russian  barbarism. 

Dear  good  German  friends,  we  weep  for  wonderful  Lou- 


HOLLAND  97 

vain,  we  weep  for  the  Belgians,  but  we  weep  still  more  for 
you.  If  the  Russians  in  the  north-east  of  Germany  were 
now  to  take  vengeance,  a  town  for  a  town  and  a  peasant 
for  a  peasant — why,  it  would  be  terrible  for  the  whole 
civilized  world,  and  the  very  thought  makes  us  shudder- 
But  you,  what  would  you  be  able  to  say? 

An  equally  grim  course  may  be  expected  by  Eng- 
land, should  she,  in  line  with  her  long  ago  oppression 
of  Holland,  molest  Dutch  commerce  by  any  unwar- 
rantable stopping  of  Dutch  passenger  steamers  to 
search  for  contraband.  Of  course,  with  such  a  case  as 
has  been  recently  reported,  when  it  was  known  that 
German  army  reservists  were  on  board  a  Dutch  ship, 
Holland  has  nothing  to  say.  But  she  has  some- 
thing to  say  whenever  she  thinks  her  trade-rights  un- 
reasonably affected,  as,  for  instance,  when  the  English 
papers  demand  that  Holland  should  not  sell  grain  to 
Germany.  The  Dutch  resent  this.  If  a  Rotterdam 
merchant  gets  grain  from  America,  they  say,  why 
should  he  not  resell  it  to  some  German  client  for  the  use 
of  the  German  people?  Incidentally,  both  England 
and  Germany  are  relying  on  regular  supplies  of  Dutch 
cattle,  sheep,  eggs,  and  butter,  and  this  year  Holland's 
wealth  in  all  these  commodities  is  fortunately  unusu- 
ally great. 

But  this  is  not  the  only  irritation  from  England. 

The  suggestion  has  actually  been  made  there  that 
the  English  should  send  troops  to  Belgium  through 


98  THE   WORLD  WAR 

the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt,  which  belongs  to  Holland, 
up  the  river  to  succor  Antwerp,  which  of  course  belongs 
to  Belgium.  The  Dutch  monopoly  of  navigation  on 
the  Scheldt  was  admitted  by  the  nations  as  far  back  as 
the  Treaty  of  Mtinster  (1648)  and  when,  in  1792, 
France  attempted  to  throw  down  her  gauntlet  to 
England  by  opening  the  river  to  all  nations,  WiUiam 
Pitt  thus  repHed: 

With  regard  to  the  Scheldt  France  can  have  no  right  to 
annul  existing  stipulations,  unless  she  also  have  the  right 
to  set  aside  equally  the  other  treaties  between  all  Powers  of 
Europe  and  all  the  other  rights  of  England  and  her  allies. 

And,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  the  further  sugges- 
tion has  been  made  that  the  English  might  protect 
Dutch  neutrality  as  against  a  possible  German  attack 
by  sending  their  own  soldiers  thither — hardly  reah'z- 
ing,  of  course,  that  if  they  are  now  avenging  the  Ger- 
man violation  of  Belgian  neutrahty,  their  own  pro- 
posal would  violate  Dutch  neutrality. 

Accordingly  the  Dutch  have  seen  that  it  was  high 
time  to  be  ready  to  resist  either  German  or  English 
interference.  As  to  the  English,  the  Dutch  Gk)vem- 
ment  has  placed  the  whole  coast  in  a  condition  of  com- 
plete defence  and  is  now  about  to  emphasize  it  by  de- 
claring as  in  a  state  of  siege  this  very  port  of  Vhssingen 
(Flushing),  where  a  fine  large  German  steamer  is  lying 
moored,  and  also  the  ports  of  Texel,  Terschelling, 


HOLLAND  99 

Harlingen,  Hellevoetsluys  and  part  of  the  port  of  the 
Hook  of  Holland.  The  object  of  this  action  is  to  pre- 
vent the  departure  from  these  ports  of  ships  owned  or 
chartered  by  belligerent  Powers  when  there  is  inten- 
tion to  use  those  vessels  for  war  purposes;  such  de- 
partures would  infringe  on  Dutch  neutraUty. 

In  the  same  way,  as  against  any  possible  continental 
aggression,  the  famous  waterlines  can  be  used.  The 
line  nearest  Germany  is  known  as  the  Grebbe.  It  runs 
due  south  from  the  Zuiderzee  through  Amersfoort  to 
the  river  Waal;  it  is  some  ten  miles  wide  and  about 
seventy  long.  The  other  similar  Hne  runs  from  the 
Zuiderzee  through  Utrecht  to  the  Meuse — the  Maas, 
as  they  say  here.  The  territory  covered  by  these 
lines  can  quickly  be  flooded  as  a  whole  or  by  sections. 
There  should  also  be  mentioned  the  water  defence  of 
Amsterdam,  a  place,  because  of  this,  in  perhaps  the 
strongest  mihtary  position  of  any  city  in  the  world. 

All  these  waterlines  are  defended  by  inner  forts.  In 
case  of  flooding  these  forts  would  emerge  Uke  so  many 
islands.  And  the  flooding  would  leave  North  Holland 
as  one  great  island.  In  its  turn  this  region  itself  could 
also  be  flooded  by  sections.  Speaking  of  North  Hol- 
land, who  can  forget  that  chapter  in  Motley's  History 
which  describes  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Leyden  (1574) 
by  means  of  the  cutting  down  of  the  seaward  dykes? 

And,  speaking  of  forts,  as  we  crossed  the  border  into 


lOO  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Holland  from  Germany,  the  windows  of  our  railway 
carriages  were  closed  and  kept  closed  while  we  passed 
through  the  Dutch  frontier  forts,  lest  something  should 
be  thrown  out  of  those  windows ! 

Again,  yesterday,  for  miles  outside  the  fortified  city 
of  Utrecht,  we  noted  that  the  Government  had  forced 
the  people  in  all  the  surrounding  territory  to  abandon 
their  homes  and  that  the  noble  old  trees  had  been  cut 
down  all  along  the  highways  so  that  from  his  fortress 
the  Dutchman  might  have  a  wider  view  of  the  imme- 
diate countryside.  In  order  to  have  an  entirely  un- 
obstructed space  the  houses  had  been  mined  and  could 
be  quickly  blown  to  pieces  by  underground  signal  lines 
from  the  fortress. 

England's  interference,  if  any,  with  Dutch  affairs, 
would  be  largely  of  the  commercial  character  above 
indicated.  But  Germany's  interference,  it  has  been 
said,  might  have  land-hunger  and  sea-facilities  as  a 
motive. 

Yet  it  is  difficult  to  see  just  why  Germany  should 
want  Holland.  The  Fatherland  needs  an  additional 
outlet  to  the  sea,  but  it  needs  it  on  the  Adriatic.  As  to 
the  Baltic  and  North  Seas  it  has  all  the  necessary 
frontier  and  harbor  facilities.  Especially  is  this  true 
of  the  mouths  of  the  Rhine.  Any  extension  of  her 
North  Sea  frontier  would  only  expose  Germany  the 
more  to  a  possible  attack  from  the  greatest  sea-power, 


HOLLAND  lOI 

Britain.  Holland  now  shields  Germany  from  that 
Power. 

The  English  grant  all  this,  but  they  do  not  fail  to 
point  out  that  Germany,  if  in  possession  of  Holland, 
would  have  certain  strategic  advantages  which  might 
partially  offset  the  certain  strategic  disadvantages 
above  noted — that  is  to  say  Germany  might  use  the 
Frisian  Islands  as  a  screen,  from  the  rear  of  which 
torpedo  craft  could  issue  to  damage  the  British  fleet, 
and  that  the  flat  country  of  the  mainland  would  make 
an  ideal  landing  place  for  aircraft. 

So  much  from  the  miUtary  point  of  view.  But  there 
is  another  point  of  view  than  the  military,  and  that  is 
the  racial.  Has  not  Germany  had  enough  experience 
in  trying  to  rule  the  Danes,  Poles,  and  French  within 
her  borders?    Why  should  she  want  the  Dutch  too? 

Either  English  or  German  interference  would  im- 
mediately and  permanently  exasperate  the  hardy 
Dutchman,  jealous  of  his  rights,  dearly  won  against 
both  man  and  nature. 

All  nations  should  keep  their  hands  off  Holland. 
The  Dutch  may  be  a  small  folk  in  quantity.  But  they 
are  high  in  quality.  In  the  days  of  William  the  Silent 
they  showed  of  what  mettle  they  were  made.  And 
now  their  spirit  is,  I  beheve,  as  independent,  resource- 
ful, and  heroic  as  ever. 


rx 

ENGLAND:  THE  ARMY 
[Oxford,  ph  September,  1^14] 

To-day  I  entered  Balliol  Quadrangle.  I  saw  a 
sight  which  I  can  never  forget.  That  College  is 
supposed  to  be  the  most  intellectual  of  any  here.  It 
was  long  presided  over  by  the  great  Jowett,  the  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  the  University  in  my  day. 

To-day  on  the  grassy  plot  surrounded  by  beautiful 
Gothic  architecture — seemingly  the  serenest  spot  in 
Oxford — one  no  longer  sees  a  Don  in  cap  and  gown 
crossing  from  one  side  to  another.  Instead,  there  is 
a  group  of  young  men  drilling  so  that  they  may  be- 
come soldiers.  What  likely  lads!  As  I  attempted  to 
cross  the  "Quad"  a  sentry  challenged  me  and  said: 
"Very  sorry,  Sir.  Visits  no  longer  permitted.  College 
is  under  military  rule." 

In  busy,  noisy  London  it  seems  appropriate  that 
there  should  be  numerous  recruiting  stations  and  that 
drilhng  should  be  going  on  briskly.  But  here,  in  quiet, 
academic  old  Oxford!  At  first  one  does  not  get  ac- 
customed to  it,  but,  before  long,  one  begins  to  see  that 
Oxford  is  peculiarly  the  place  for  the  acquirement, 

102 


ENGLAND:  THE  ARMY  103 

not  only  of  privates,  but  of  of&cers  for  the  British 
Army. 

Indeed,  as  fine  work  has  been  done  here  in  strength- 
ening the  Army  as  anywhere.  There  is  a  popular  sup- 
position that  the  Universities  may  be  expected  to 
produce  officers  rather  than  privates.  Surely  in  a 
country  justly  priding  itself  on  its  love  of  outdoor 
sports  and  especially  here  at  Oxford,  where  we  see  fine 
types  of  youth,  there  should  be  very  many  young 
men  well  capable  of  being  trained  as  soldiers  and 
officers.  Now  the  need  of  officers  is  specially  great 
and  will  continue  to  be  great  as  long  as  the  war  lasts. 
Hence,  a  University  Board  was  organized  to  deal 
actively  with  the  situation.  The  Board  is  composed 
of  the  Vice- Chancellor  (Dr.  T.  B.  Strong  of  Christ- 
church)  and  four  other  members.  Three  of  these  are 
also  members  of  the  Oxford  University  Officers  Train- 
ing Corps — a  permanent  institution.  The  members 
have  been  sitting  every  day  to  interview  and  report 
upon  any  candidates  for  a  commission,  and  have 
been  in  daily  communication  with  the  War  Office  in 
London.  The  Training  Corps  has  already  done  good 
work  under  peace  conditions,  and  now,  under  war 
conditions,  it  is,  with  the  Vice-Chancellor's  approval, 
urging  every  able-bodied  undergraduate  to  join  it. 
Thus  from  time  to  time  relays  of  men  will  be  produced 
qualified  to  receive  a  commission  and  to  take  part  in 


I04  THE   WORLD   WAR 

the  training  of  Lord  Kitchener's  successive  new  armies. 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Board  has  already- 
nominated  about  twelve  hundred  men.  Some  thirty 
of  them  are  destined  for  the  Military  School  at  Sand- 
hurst, about  fifty  for  commissions  in  the  regular  army, 
over  two  hundred  for  the  Special  Reserve,  over  four 
hundred  for  the  Territorial  Forces,  and  between  four 
hundred  and  five  hundred  for  Lord  Kitchener's  new 
army. 

This  quota  does  not,  of  course,  exhaust  the  number 
of  University  men  who  have  now  joined  the  army; 
some  have  enlisted  and  some  were  already  holding 
commissions  in  the  Territorials  when  the  war  began. 

Suggestions  have  been  made  to  the  Vice-Chancellor 
to  close  the  University  of  Oxford  entirely  and  so  turn 
all  the  men  into  the  ranks  of  the  new  army  now  being 
enrolled.  But  the  Vice-Chancellor  contends,  first, 
that  this  would  make  an  unappreciable  difference  to 
the  recruiting  now  and,  second,  that  it  would  extin- 
guish for  good  all  hope  of  a  succession  of  officers. 
Turning  to  Cambridge  the  same  opinion  is  found. 
The  Cambridge  University  Board  of  Military  Studies 
writes : 

We  submit  that  it  is  one  acknowledged  duty  of  the  Uni- 
versities to  furnish  officers  for  the  Army,  and  they  are 
amply  fulfilling  that  duty.  The  closing  of  the  Universities 
would  only  increase  the  difiiculty  of  training  and  selecting 


ENGLAND:  THE  ARMY  105 

the  officers  of  the  immediate  future,  and  the  supply  of 
such  officers  would  be  seriously  imperilled  if  young  Uni- 
versity men  were  indiscriminately  encouraged  to  join  the 
ranks. 

To  show  the  enthusiasm  among  Oxford  men,  I 
would  add  the  report  of  a  special  inquiry  made  at 
Oriel  College.  Of  129  men  in  residence  there  last 
term,  nearly  100  have  volunteered  in  some  form  or 
other,  and  of  those  who  have  not,  some  are  Rhodes 
Scholars  who  have  already  gone  home,  some  are  on 
the  sick  list  and  some  are  in  Holy  Orders. 

The  War  Office  has  now  sanctioned  the  formation 
of  units  in  which  the  so-called  PubHc  School  lads  may 
enUst  under  conditions  similar  to  those  in  the  Regular 
Army.  In  England  these  schools  are  not  the  common 
schools  we  know  at  home  but  are  great  institutions 
Hke  Eton,  Winchester,  Rugby,  Harrow,  Westminster, 
Marlborough,  Uppingham,  Clifton,  Rossall,  Bedford. 
The  "old  boys"  from  these  institutions  have  made  a 
splendid  response.  They  have  been  gathered — nearly 
1,000  of  them — at  the  town  of  Epsom,  famous  hitherto 
for  the  "Derby."  The  paddock  has  seen  many 
assemblages  of  race  horses  on  Derby  day  and  the 
appurtenances  on  the  Downs  have  hitherto  know^n 
only  stable  boys  and  trainers.  Another  kind  of  trainer 
has  now  come  to  the  fore.  The  paddock  is  now  trans- 
formed into  a  camp.    The  equipment  on  the  rolling 


Io6  THE   WORLD  WAR 

uplands  is  now  used  not  to  make  horses  but  to  make 
men  robust.  As  soon  as  the  lads  number  i,ioo,  they 
will  have  become  a  unit  which,  when  trained,  will  be 
available  for  service  at  home  or  abroad.  Their  name 
is  to  be  the  Special  Public  School  Corps. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  certain  battalions  will  be  iden- 
tified with  certain  schools.  Thus  the  competition 
which  has  always  obtained,  would  be  put  to  good  use. 
Winchester,  for  instance,  would  not  expect  to  be  a 
whit  behind  Eton  in  smart  appearance  or  marching, 
any  more  than  it  has  ever  supposed  itself  to  be  behind 
Eton  in  anything! 

If  this  be  true  of  the  public  school  battalions,  it  is 
also  true,  on  a  larger  scale,  with  provincial  represen- 
tation. The  various  old  territorial  designations  of 
British  regiments  have  also  had  a  distinct  sentimental 
and  material  value  in  rousing  enthusiasm.  This  should 
be  made  the  most  of  at  the  present  time.  No  one  who 
has  visited  the  various  districts  of  the  United  Kingdom 
can  be  in  any  doubt  that  a  prime  cause  of  the  success 
of  the  recruiting  so  far  has  been  the  appeal  to  very 
local  patriotism,  to  the  emulation  between  district 
and  district,  between  town  and  town.  In  addition, 
it  is  only  natural  that  men  from  the  same  part  of  the 
countryside  should  wish,  if  possible,  to  serve  together; 
hence  the  pleasant  name  one  hears  nowadays,  "Pals' 
Battalions." 


ENGLAND:   THE   ARMY  107 

The  scene  in  Balliol  ''Quad"  reminded  me  of  a 
similar  one  I  saw  the  other  day  in  Lincohi's  Inn, 
London,  that  quiet  oasis  between  Holborn  and  the 
Strand.  Lincoln's  Inn  has  always  been  associated 
in  my  mind  only  with  young  men  quietly  studying 
law  and  with  older  men  as  quietly  administering  it. 
But  the  splendid  Library  and  the  long  rows  of  cham- 
bers now  look  down  on  squads  of  lads  drilling  in  the 
open.  Some  of  them  are  already  in  khaki;  others 
only  in  their  shirt  sleeves. 

In  many  other  places  in  London  drilling  is  in 
progress;  on  Somerset  House  Terrace,  at  the  Horse 
Guards  Parade,  at  the  Knightsbridge  and  at  the 
Albany  Barracks,  for  instance.  In  Tottenham  Court 
Road,  too — that  symbol  of  the  purely  commercial 
and  the  non-military — there  is  one  great  mark  of  the 
uncommercial  and  the  military.  It  is  found  in  and 
about  the  massive  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion Building.  That  building  has  become  a  centre 
for  the  Territorials — those  Volunteers  who,  in  any 
event,  go  into  camp  every  year.  But  specially  this 
year!  The  Young  Men's  Association  is  offering 
special  facilities  for  training  to  men  who  have  tried 
to  enlist  in  the  Army  and  have  been  rejected  because 
their  physical  development  has  not  been  up  to  the 
required  standard.  Special  classes  are  therefore  held 
in  the  Association  Building  in  the  evening,  and  any 


Io8  THE   WORLD   WAR 

man  may  get  his  training  in  them  without  charge  if 
he  can  produce  satisfactory  evidence  that  he  has  been 
rejected  and  if  it  is  thought  that,  with  training,  he 
would  be  likely  to  reach  the  required  standard. 

You  pass  through  Tottenham  Court  Road  into 
Oxford  Street  and  Regent  Street.  In  many  of  the 
shop  windows  and  on  all  public  taxicabs  and  'buses 
are  such  printed  appeals  as  these,  in  large  letters: 

A  CALL  TO  ARMS. 

TO  ARMS  FOR  KING  AND  COUNTRY! 

YOUR  COUNTRY  NEEDS  YOU! 

ENGLAND  EXPECTS  EVERY  MAN  TO  DO  HIS 
DUTY. 

LORD  KITCHENER  WANTS  100,000  MORE  VOL- 
UNTEERS. 

JOIN  THE  ARMY  TILL  THE  WAR  IS  OVER. 

And  then,  more  rarely,  such  a  pithy,  appealing 
notice  as  this  to  any  Britisher  of  backbone : 

UP  TILL  NOW  YOU  HAVE  LOOKED  ON  AT  THE 
GAME.  WE  CALL  UPON  YOU  TO  PLAY  IT  NOW. 
FORWARDS  WANTED!    NO  BACKS!    PLAY  UP! 

And  then,  above  all,  this  one: 

COME  NOW,  DONT  HAVE  TO  BE  FETCHED! 
THE  PEOPLE  WILL  LOOK  AFTER  YOUR  HOMES. 

Just  how   any   Englishman,   who  believes  in  his 


ENGLAND:   THE  ARMY  lOQ 

country's  cause,  can  withstand  this  last  appeal  is 
beyond  me. 

However,  that  sharp  critic  among  weekly  papers, 
Truth,  warns  thus: 

The  average  Briton,  especially  of  the  working  class,  is 
rather  a  shy  and  wary  bird,  extremely  suspicious  of  any- 
thing resembling  chaff.  He  mistrusts  attempts  to  work 
upon  his  feelings  by  high-sounding  phrases;  and  he  is  ac- 
customed to  size-up  posters  at  election  times.  "Your 
King  and  country  need  you"  frequently  leaves  him  un- 
moved, occasionally  even  evokes  derisive  retorts;  I  am 
sorry  to  say  I  have  heard  them.  If  you  want  to  influence 
such  a  man  you  must  use  other  methods  than  those  of  the 
patent  medicine  vendor.  You  must  approach  him  as  a 
reasonable  being  through  his  understanding  and  his  deep 
convictions.  In  that  way  you  will  not  approach  him  in 
vain.  The  people  of  this  country  have  as  strong  a  sense  of 
community  of  interest  and  mutual  dependence  as  any 
in  the  world,  and  are  as  capable  as  any  of  heroic  sacrifices 
in  a  cause  which  they  understand.  They  are  all  of  the 
same  flesh  and  blood  and  spirit  as  our  soldiers  and  sailors 
who  are  bearing  themselves  so  bravely  on  land  and  sea. 
They  will  not  fail  to  respond  to  any  call  of  duty  when  it 
strikes  the  right  note;  but  they  will  not  dance  if  you  pipe 
to  them  in  the  wrong  tune. 

Then  there  are  other  and  rather  more  commercial 
appeals  in  the  shop  windows.  In  a  Piccadilly  cigar 
emporium  there  is  this: 

ALL  TOBACCO  AND  CIGARS  FOR  THE  CON- 
TINENT ARE  NOW  DUTY  FREE.  REMEMBER 
OUR  MEN  AT  THE  FRONT. 


no  THE   WORLD  WAR 

And  then  there  is  still  another  kind  of  appeal: 

YOU  DON'T  WANT  US  TO  CLOSE  UP  BECAUSE 
OF  THE  WAR,  DO  YOU?  250  EMPLOYEES  ARE 
DEPENDENT  FOR  THEIR  DAILY  BREAD  ON  THIS 
ESTABLISHMENT.  PATRONIZE  US  INSTEAD  OF 
BUYING  GOODS  "MADE  IN  GERMANY." 

But  the  recruiting's  the  thing.  It  is  going  bravely 
forward  and  an  additional  fillip  is  given  wherever  a 
band  is  present  outside  the  Recruiting  Office,  playing 
patriotic  airs.  Several  orchestras  make  a  point  of 
accompanying,  without  charge,  the  various  contin- 
gents from  the  London  Central  Recruiting  Depot  in 
Great  Scotland  Yard  to  the  railway  station. 

Yet  with  aU  the  recruiting,  there  come  to  us  who 
have  been  in  Germany  two  convictions. 

The  first  is  that  these  preparations  are  being  made 
much  too  long  after  the  war  has  begun.  For  London 
differs  patently  from  Berlin  in  this,  that  all  its  young 
men  have  not  been  sent  to  the  front. 

The  second  is  that  the  preparations  are  meeting 
with  inadequate  response.  Day  before  yesterday 
was  London's  largest  recruiting  day — four  thousand 
men  joined  the  ranks! — and  there  has  been  fatuous 
self-complacency  in  consequence.  Though  the  total 
of  recruits  will  doubtless  in  a  few  days  exceed  half  a 
million,  this  is  small  compared  with  the  number  in 
Germany. 


ENGLAND:  THE  ARMY  III 

The  conditions  of  recruiting  in  England  of  course 
bring  up  the  question  of  conscription.  The  advocates 
of  that  system  declare  that  it  is  the  only  way  to  make 
"every  man  do  his  duty,"  but  that  nothing  less  than 
the  imminent  and  vital  danger  of  the  present  crisis 
will  burst  the  bonds  of  the  old  voluntary  system. 
That  system,  say  the  conscriptionists,  simply  means 
that  English  manhood  is  resolved  not  to  defend  Eng- 
land and  even  to  contribute  as  little  as  possible  towards 
paying  others  to  undertake  that  duty.  Hence,  if  we 
may  believe  this,  the  English  are  both  poltroons  and 
mean  men.  The  conscriptionists  repel  the  insinuation 
that  they  would  bring  England  under  the  despotic 
Prussian  mihtarism.  No,  the  conscriptionists  are 
moved,  they  say,  only  by  the  double  consciousness 
of  a  great  national  danger  to  be  faced  and  a  great 
national  advantage  to  be  gained. 

Moreover,  they  add,  the  organization,  discipline 
and  success  of  the  German  army  during  the  century 
from  1813  to  the  present  time  is  due,  not  to  "machine 
methods"  but  to  a  realization  of  such  a  national 
danger  to  be  faced  and  a  national  advantage  to  be  won. 

The  party  in  favor  of  conscription  is  led  by  Britain's 
most  famous  soldier.  Earl  Roberts.  Every  word 
which  he  has  spoken  for  years  past  about  the  menace 
of  war  has  now  come  true.  Every  warning  he  has 
given  has  been  justified. 


112  THE   WORLD  WAR 

All  will  agree  with  him  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every 
man,  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  to  defend  his  country 
in  case  of  national  danger.  But  not  all  Englishmen 
have  agreed  with  him  that,  to  prepare  for  this  duty, 
there  should  be  universal  training  for  military  service 
in  time  of  peace;  that  there  should  be  not  only  physi- 
cal training  in  all  the  schools  but  that  all  boys  up  to 
the  age  of  eighteen  should  undergo  some  military 
discipline.  Still  fewer  Englishmen  have  believed  with 
Lord  Roberts  that  for  all  able-bodied  3^ouths  between 
eighteen  and  twenty-one  there  should  be  a  continuous 
training  of  at  least  four  months  for  the  infantry,  with 
longer  periods  for  other  arms  and  that,  after  this 
training,  the  men  should  serve  in  the  Territorial 
Force  for  three  years.  But  now,  Lord  Roberts  is 
magnanimous  enough  not  to  say  "I  told  you  so," 
though  the  extra  strain  on  the  nation,  because  it  had 
not  a  large  enough  trained  force  at  the  start,  has  cost 
thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  money. 

More  and  more  the  weight  of  Lord  Roberts's  opinion 
is  being  borne  in  upon  the  Enghsh  people.  And  yet 
they  are  still  standing  loyally  by  their  voluntary 
system. 

The  advocates  of  that  system  point  to  the  fact  that 
already  not  only  have  a  very  great  number  of  men 
enhsted,  but  that  because  they  have  spontaneously 
done  so  and  have  not  been  dragooned  into  it,  there  is 


ENGLAND:  THE  ARMY  II3 

a  resultant  quality  of  enthusiasm  which  makes  each 
volunteer  worth  any  two  conscripts.  Is  not  this 
shown,  they  urge,  by  the  fact  that  the  British  turned 
the  tide  of  German  advance  in  France? 

Furthermore,  these  advocates  add,  the  Govern- 
ment's call  for  another  half  million  men  has  a  moral 
ring  impossible  to  obtain  by  the  conscript  system. 

However  this  be,  the  desirability  of  giving  city  lads 
out-of-door  training,  whether  by  the  conscript  or  the 
voluntary  system,  is  evident.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  see 
in  Hyde  Park  or  Regent's  Park  the  pale  counting- 
room  faces  becoming  rosier.  When  we  speak  of  Brit- 
ish lads,  we  generally  think  of  a  ruddy-faced  Rugby 
boy  or  of  a  stalwart  young  Guardsman;  we  do  not 
always  remember  the  lads  bending  over  ledgers  in  the 
City. 

And  there  is  another  thing.  Under  Lord  Kitchener's 
expert  yet  elastic  guidance,  the  War  Office  is  showing 
an  unheard-of  adaptabiHty  to  circumstances.  We 
have  seen  tliis  in  its  relations  to  the  Universities  and 
to  the  PubHc  Schools  and  to  the  recruits  in  general. 

Finally,  any  account  of  present  conditions  here 
would  be  incomplete  without  mention  of  its  most 
picturesque  element — the  Boy  Scouts.  They  have 
suddenly  leaped  into  the  limelight.  They  occupy  the 
very  front  of  the  stage.  Their  unostentatious  beha- 
vior and  yet  their  eager  thirst  to  "do  something"  has 


114  THE   WORLD   WAR 

endeared  them  both  to  the  civil  and  to  the  military 
elements  of  the  population.  No  one  can  walk  from 
St.  James'  Palace  across  the  Park  to  Wellington  Bar- 
racks and  thence  to  Whitehall  Place  without  being 
convinced  that  in  the  Boy  Scouts  England  possesses 
the  very  kernel  of  her  next  army. 

There  are  something  Hke  4,000  Scouts  in  London 
alone.  They  lend  a  hand  in  practically  every  activity. 
Their  charming  uniform  is  the  most  welcome  sight  in 
any  street  and  redeems  instantly  whatever  there  is  of 
the  dingy  in  it.  One  looks  up  and  down  the  street 
nowadays,  indeed,  to  see  if  he  cannot  discern  some 
lithe  figure  approaching  in  slouch  hat  and  colored  neck- 
erchief and  khaki  shirt — a  bit  of  ribbon  floating  from 
the  shoulder— and  then  the  bare  knees  to  give  the 
last  touch  to  the  picture.  The  Scout  seems  the  cheer- 
fullest  thing  in  England. 

The  Scout  system  means  discipline  as  well  as  cheer. 
The  other  day  a  gentleman  attempted  to  cross  a  bridge 
in  the  country.  Beside  the  bridge  stood  a  Boy  Scout. 
He  warned  the  gentleman  not  to  cross.  But  the 
gentleman  was  not  to  be  held  back. 

The  boy  objected:  "I  have  orders  to  prevent  any- 
one crossing  this  bridge." 

"  But  how  are  you  going  to  prevent  me?"  said  the 
gentleman. 

Instantly  the  boy  whipped  out  a  whistle  and  blew 


ENGLAND:   THE  ARMY  II5 

it,  and  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it,  Scouts  be- 
gan to  appear  from  all  quarters  until  forty  of  them  had 
gathered  on  the  spot. 
The  gentleman  did  not  cross  the  bridge. 


X 

ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT 
[London,  14th  September,  igi4.] 

Why  is  England  involved  in  this  war? 

She  went  far  in  agreeing  to  protect  France.  But 
that  led  to  no  formal  declaration  of  war. 

She  is  now  going  farther  in  the  fulfilment  of  her 
treaty  to  protect  Belgium  and  about  that  there  was 
indeed  a  formal  belhgerent  statement. 

But,  treaty  or  no  treaty,  England  is  really  at  war, 
I  beHeve,  because  she  could  not  sit  with  folded  arms 
and  see  a  small,  next-door  neighbor  oppressed. 

From  her  enviably  insular  vantage-point,  England 
always  takes  a  wide  view  of  any  continental  situation. 
She  enjoys  a  pecuHarly  proper  perspective.  It  is  true, 
that  she  does  not  always  act  wisely  upon  it,  as,  for  in- 
stance, in  the  cases  of  Denmark,  the  Crimean  War, 
Armenia.    But  she  generally  does. 

Hence,  England  was  not  blinded  by  the  immediate 
cause  of  the  present  conflagration.  She  did  not 
minimize  the  far-reaching  effect  of  the  murder  at 
Sarajevo  of  the  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  heir 

116 


ENGLAND:   THE   GOVERNMENT  II7 

to  the  Austrian  throne.  She  knew  that  the  murder 
struck  at  the  very  heart  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 

But  the  conflagration  had  had  other  causes — causes 
to  be  found  as  far  back  as  the  Prussian  seizure  of 
Schleswig  (1864),  as  the  Itahan  redemption  of  Venetia 
(1866),  as  the  Franco-German  war  (1870),  as  the 
Russo-French  mutual-aid  society  (1875),  as  the  Rus- 
sian resentment  at  the  action  of  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
(1878),  as  the  Austro-German  alliance  (1879),  as  the 
Triple  Alhance  (1882),  as  Bismarck's  fall  (1890),  as 
the  Anglo-French  Entente  (1904)  and  as  the  Anglo- 
Russian  Entente  (1907). 

So  much  for  the  causes  of  the  conflagration  in 
general.  As  to  the  particular  countries  involved — 
Ser\aa,  Austria,  Russia,  Germany,  France,  Belgium — 
England  has  really  cherished  few  illusions.  Her 
geographical  position,  added  to  that  poise  in  her  best 
statesmen,  which  prevents  their  being  swept  off  their 
feet,  gives  to  her  a  peculiar  advantage  in  deahng  with 
the  nations  of  Europe.  They  have  been  to  her,  like 
the  inhabitants  of  so  many  rooms  in  a  house,  the  wall 
of  which  has  suddenly  fallen  down,  leaving  the  occu- 
pants of  the  various  chambers  exposed  in  all  their 
simplicity  of  action  or  intrigue. 

In  Servia,  for  instance,  England  sees  a  small  but 
energetic  state.  In  it  regicide  seems  a  profession.  Its 
policy  for  a  decade  has  been,  by  methods  of  con- 


Il8  THE   WORLD   WAR 

spiracy  and  assassination,  to  wrest  from  Austria- 
Hungary  all  the  Serb  lands  in  her  dominions. 

In  Austria-Hungary  England  beholds  a  power 
which,  as  an  offset  for  the  loss  of  Venetia,  had  long 
been  looking  southward,  expecting  to  develop  the 
region  from  her  boundary  to  the  ^gean  port  of 
Salonika.  But  this  hope  had  recently  been  disap- 
pointed, first  by  the  plan  of  Servian  transportation 
East-and-West,  instigated  by  Russia,  and,  second,  by 
the  expansion  of  Servian  territory,  the  result  of  the 
Balkan  wars  of  191 2  and  1913.  And  now  was  added 
the  murder  of  the  heir  to  the  Austrian  throne,  alleged 
to  have  been  committed  by  Servian  agents.  Could 
Austrian  foreign  policy,  often  ill-advised,  be  trusted  to 
treat  with  this  trying  situation? 

In  Russia,  England  sees  the  only  Great  Power  in 
Europe  standing  for  a  retrograde,  autocratic  and 
despotic  civilization,  as  shown  by  the  Cossack  with 
his  whip,  by  the  Jewish  pogrom,  above  all,  by  the 
smothering  of  rights  solemnly  assured  by  successive 
Tsars  to  the  Finns.  Of  what  greater  value  then,  is 
Russia's  promise,  after  this  conflagration  breaks  out, 
to  revive  the  Kingdom  of  Poland,  which  she  destroyed 
in  the  eighteenth  century?  The  move  is  more  likely  an 
attempt  to  incite  Austrian  and  Prussian  Poland  to 
rise.  On  the  other  hand,  England  does  not  forget 
that  the  present  Tsar  proposed  a  Peace  Conference  at 


ENGLAND:   THE   GOVERNMENT  II9 

The  Hague  and  that  Russia  is  the  recognized  head  of 
the  Slav  nations.  To  the  British  the  value  of  these 
facts  cannot  be  changed  by  unjustifiable  aggressions, 
by  Russia  in  the  Far  East,  not  even  by  Russia's  prac- 
tical transformation  of  North  Persia  into  a  Russian 
province — consequent  upon  the  Anglo-Russian  En- 
tente itself!  Britons  also  take  note  of  the  fact  that  the 
Entente  has  somewhat  overcome  anti-British  senti- 
ment in  Russia,  but  that  anti-German  sentiment  has 
been  increasingly  evident  since  Bismarck's  fall  from 
power  in  1890;  indeed,  it  was  evident  enough  in  1872 
when,  by  the  Dreikaiserbund,  he  united  Russia,  Ger- 
many, and  Austria;  in  1888,  however,  when  WilHam  II. 
became  Emperor,  Germany's  policy  became  ever 
more  closely  in  touch  with  Austria's  and  propor- 
tionately less  with  Russia's. 

In  Germany  England  sees  a  Power  which  has  made 
strides  second  to  none  in  the  domains  of  philosophy, 
science,  art.  Germany's  advance  in  trade  has  also 
latterly  been  prodigious,  not  only  at  home  but  in  many 
parts  of  the  world  where  German  commerce  has  out- 
distanced British  commerce — even  in  the  British 
Colonies  themselves.  German  manufactures  have 
come  into  such  competition  with  the  British  as  in 
certain  instances  successfully  to  invade  its  very  home 
market.  German  passenger  steamers  between  Europe 
and  America  have  been  doing  a  larger  business  than 


I20  THE   WORLD  WAR 

have  the  British.  In  short,  Germany  has  made  the 
greatest  proportionate  progress  in  material  prosperity 
ever  achieved  by  any  nation.  But,  hardest  of  all  for 
Britons  to  bear  is  the  fact  that  the  German  naval  ad- 
vance has  severely  tested  the  resources  of  the  British 
Navy  in  maintaining  a  British  sixty  per  cent,  superior- 
ity over  any  other.  The  aggressive  building  of  a  great 
German  navy  could  of  course  not  be  ignored  by  the 
mistress  of  the  seas.  One  reason  for  a  greater  German 
Navy  was  to  protect  German  colonies,  the  chief  of 
which  was  to  be  that  in  Asia  Minor.  To  this  end  the 
development  southward  of  Germany's  ally,  Austria, 
was  all  to  the  benefit  of  such  colonial  ambition.  Thus 
Germany  had  an  additional  reason  to  stand  alongside 
her  ally  at  the  time  of  the  Bosnian  annexation.  In 
Germany  England  also  beholds  a  Power  which  has 
practically  doubled  its  population  since  the  Franco- 
German  war,  while  that  of  France  has  stood  still. 
Germany  needs  room  for  expansion.  Finally,  in  Ger- 
many England  sees  for  the  most  part  a  powerful 
bureaucracy  Umiting  individual  liberty.  Germany, 
England  thinks,  would  impose  her  organization  on 
the  rest  of  the  world  by  force,  no  matter  how  any 
other  nations  might  want  to  maintain  their  in- 
dividual institutions.  In  particular,  England  fears 
that  the  Pan  Germans,  in  their  dream  of  world  domin- 
ion, would  supplant  the  British  Empire,  with  its  popu- 


ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT        121 

lar  institutions,  by  the  rigid  undemocratic  Prussian 
system  now  fastened  upon  the  German  Empire. 

In  France,  England  now  beholds  a  preux  chevalier. 
The  history  of  modern  France  with  America,  Greece, 
Italy,  shows  how  she  has,  from  time  to  time,  defended 
the  cause  of  smaller  states.  But  England  also  beholds 
a  Power  with  whom,  during  the  last  generation,  she 
has  been  at  very  close  range,  first  in  a  friendly  way, 
then  in  an  unfriendly,  and,  finally,  in  a  friendly  way 
again.  In  the  common  exercise  of  financial  and 
economic  authority  in  Egypt,  England  and  France 
had  worked  hand  in  hand.  Then  came  the  Arabi 
rebellion.  It  was  necessary  to  display  the  mailed  fist. 
The  French  Government  refused  to  work  with  the 
Enghsh.  The  EngHsh  accomphshed  their  task  alone 
and  France  remained  in  a  condition  of  pout  for  twenty- 
two  years !  At  first  there  were  ominous  signs  that  the 
French  were  not  going  to  remain  satisfied  with  mere 
diplomatic  dealings,  and  yet,  by  their  increasing  in- 
terest in  another  part  of  Africa,  the  French  were  to  be 
brought  to  a  full  recognition  of  England's  present  posi- 
tion in  Egypt.  Never  cherishing  any  illusions  as  to 
French  frailties  of  temperament,  the  English  did 
conclude  with  France  an  entente  which  has  nobly 
stood  the  test  of  time. 

Finally,  in  Belgium,  England  sees  a  httle  country, 
but   proportionately    the    most    populous,    wealthy 


122  THE   WORLD   WAR 

and  industrious  in  Europe.  In  Caesar's  time  it 
was  one  of  the  parts  of  Gaul.  When  Holland  attained 
an  acknowledged  independence  in  1648,  Belgium  was 
known  as  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  in  the  eight- 
eenth century,  as  the  Austrian  Netherlands.  In  1815, 
however,  Holland,  confirmed  by  the  Powers,  received 
the  Austrian  Netherlands  back  into  the  Dutch  fold 
and  the  new  kingdom  was  known  as  the  United 
Netherlands.  In  1830  Belgium  revolted,  and  in  1831 
and  1839,  at  London,  were  framed  the  treaties  guaran- 
teeing Belgian  neutrality  which  have  formed  the 
cause  of  England's  going  to  war.  To  England  Belgium 
herself  means  no  more,  indeed,  I  think,  not  as  much 
as  does  Holland.  But,  when  one  speaks  of  Belgium 
nowadays,  one  thinks  of  Treaty  and  that  is  what  Eng- 
land, from  her  vantage  point,  recognizes  as  Belgium's 
present  significance  to  the  world. 

England  has  thus  a  detached,  all-round  view  of 
European  past  history  and  present  politics.  Her 
Foreign  Secretary,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  has  steadily 
aimed,  not  only  to  compose  immediate  quarrels,  on 
the  Continent,  whenever  he  could,  whether  racial 
or  territorial  or  commercial,  but,  if  possible,  to  remove 
the  roots  themselves  of  certain  evils.  What  is  now 
about  to  be  written,  therefore,  is  for  the  most  part  a 
eulogy  of  one  of  the  great  men  of  our  time. 

Sir  Edward's  aim  was  particularly  evident  at  the 


ENGLAND:  THE   GOVERNMENT  1 23 

end  of  191 2,  at  the  Congress  held  in  London,  to  settle 
the  Balkan  dispute.  His  statesmanlike  compromise 
pacified  both  Austria  and  Servia — and,  for  Servia, 
read  Russia!  The  partial  mobilizations  of  Russia 
and  Austria  were  thus  not  increased  to  general  mob- 
ilization, and  the  German  Chancellor's  generous  praise 
of  Sir  Edward  Grey  was  well  in  place: 

Europe  will  feel  grateful  to  the  English  Foreign  Minister 
for  the  extraordinary  ability  and  conciliatory  spirit  with 
which  he  has  conducted  the  discussions  of  the  ambassadors 
in  London  and  which  constantly  enabled  him  to  bridge 
over  difficulties. 

When  the  present  conflict  began,  Sir  Edward  Grey's 
efiforts  for  peace  were  no  less  clever  and  strenuously 
urged,  as  was  their  due.  And  yet,  despite  them,  some 
critics,  roundly  condemning  Austria  and  Germany,  in 
more  mildly  condemning  the  others,  do  not  leave  Eng- 
land entirely  untouched. 

Because,  to  go  no  further  back,  when  the  issue  be- 
tween Austria  and  Servia  became  acute,  during  the 
Bosnian  annexation  crisis,  England,  in  the  opinion  of 
such  critics,  should  have  made  a  stiff er  stand  against 
Austria. 

Because,  in  the  Servian  crisis  of  1914,  when  Russia 
said  to  England:  "We  assume  that  you  will  not  delay 
definitely  to  take  your  stand  by  the  side  of  Russia," 
England  did  not  commit  herself  by  taking  sides.    In- 


124  THE  WORLD   WAR 

stead,  she  said  that  "it  would  be  difi&cult  to  keep  out 
if  the  war  became  general."  (British  White  Paper,  6.) 
As  a  member  of  the  Triple  Entente,  however,  Russia 
must  have  surmised  that  England  would  eventually 
be  found  on  the  Russian  side  and  hence  may  have  felt 
that  England  was  in  a  sense  behind  her  when  she 
crossed  the  German  frontier. 

But  England  did  express  the  hope  that  Russia 
would  not  precipitate  war  by  mobilizing.  The  Rus- 
sian reply  was  the  expression  of  a  disbeHef  that  Ger- 
many really  wanted  war,  and  the  expression  of  a 
belief  that  Germany's  attitude  would  be  decided  by 
England's  and  that  if  the  British  took  their  stand 
firmly  with  the  Russians,  there  would  be  no  war.  Eng- 
land thereupon  gave  Russia  a  piece  of  advice  which,  if 
taken,  might  have  prevented  war.  As  we  have  seen,  he 
warned  that,  if  Russia  mobilized,  Germany  would 
not  be  content  with  mere  mobilization  or  give  Russia 
time  to  carry  out  hers,  but  would  probably  declare 
war  at  once.    (British  White  Paper,  17.) 

This  was  exactly  what  happened.  Russia  was  thus 
amply  counselled  in  time  and  the  particular  Enghsh 
service  in  this  direction  should  not  be  forgotten. 

After  the  failure  of  the  proposition  to  hold  the  Four- 
Power  Conference,  proposed  by  him,  Sir  Edward 
Grey  thus  summed  up  his  efforts  in  that  direc- 
tion: 


ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT        1 25 

The  German  Government  had  said  that  they  were  fa- 
vorable in  principle  to  mediation  between  Russia  and  Aus- 
tria if  necessary.  They  seemed  to  think  the  particular 
method  of  conference,  consultation  or  discussion,  or  even 
conversations  d  quatre  in  London  too  formal  a  method.  I 
urged  that  the  German  Government  should  suggest  any 
method  by  which  the  influence  of  the  four  Powers  could 
be  used  together  to  prevent  war  between  Austria  and 
Russia.  France  agreed,  Italy  agreed.  The  whole  idea  of 
mediation  or  mediating  influence  was  ready  to  be  put  into 
operation  by  any  method  that  Germany  could  suggest  if 
mine  was  not  acceptable.  In  fact,  mediation  was  ready 
to  come  into  operation  by  any  method  that  Germany 
thought  possible  if  only  Germany  would  press  the  button 
in  the  interests  of  peace.    (British  White  Paper,  84.) 

Sir  Edward  Grey  had  explained  that  his  idea  was  not 
arbitration  but  a  private  and  informal  discussion 
(British  White  Paper,  67),  and  the  suggestion  had  been 
put  before  Count  Berchtold,  Austrian  Foreign  Minis- 
ter, who  replied  that  Austria  must  decline  any  sug- 
gestion of  negotiations  on  the  basis  of  the  Servian 
reply,  nor  could  Austria  accept  the  idea  that  a  Four- 
Power  Conference  should  take  place  among  the  less 
interested  Powers  on  this  subject.  (British  White 
Paper,  Despatch  62.) 

Sir  Edward  begged  for  special  German  mediation 
to  induce  Austria  to  consider  the  Servian  answer,  as 
sufficient,  despite  the  fact  that  three  days  before 
Austria  had  declared  the  Servian  answer  to  be  in- 


126  THE   WORLD  WAR 

sufficient  and  had  withdrawn  her  Ambassador  from 
Belgrade.  Germany  transmitted  the  request  to 
Austria,  but  Austria  repHed  that  the  EngHsh  sugges- 
tion had  arrived  too  late,  hostilities  having  already 
been  begun.    (German  White  Book,  Exhibit  i6.) 

Learning  that  Austria  had  declined  Russia's  sug- 
gestion that  the  Austrian  Ambassador  at  St.  Peters- 
burg should  discuss  the  conflict  directly  with  the 
Russian  Foreign  Minister,  Sir  Edward  Grey  declared 
that  "if  the  question  became  one  between  Austria 
and  Russia  we  should  not  feel  called  upon  to  take  a 
hand  in  it."    He  added: 

It  would  then  be  a  question  of  the  supremacy  of  Teuton 
or  Slav — a  struggle  for  supremacy  in  the  Balkans;  and  our 
idea  has  always  been  to  avoid  being  drawn  into  a  war  over 
a  Balkan  question.    (British  White  Paper,  87.) 

But  this  was  apparently  not  believed  at  St.  Peters- 
burg for,  according  to  the  official  Norddeutsche  All- 
gemeine  Zeitung,  the  Belgian  Minister  reported  to 
his  Government  of  the  assurance  claimed  by  Russia 
that  Great  Britain  would  take  part  in  a  war  against 
Germany.  (British  White  Paper,  6.)  Be  it  noted 
that  Sir  Edward  Grey  had  also  said  that  Germany 
must  not  be  misled  "into  any  sense  of  false  security." 
(British  White  Paper,  87.) 

On  the  same  day  the  German  Chancellor  had  made 
a  bid  for  English  neutrahty.    (British  White  Paper, 


ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT        1 27 

85.)  Despite  his  constant  attempts  at  peace,  Sir 
Edward  Grey  showed  himself  no  peace-at-any-price 
man .    He  replied  as  follows : 

His  Majesty's  Government  cannot  for  a  moment  enter- 
tain the  Chancellor's  proposal  that  they  should  bind  them- 
selves to  neutrahty  on  such  terms. 

What  he  asks  us  in  effect  is  to  engage  to  stand  by  while 
French  colonies  are  taken  and  France  is  beaten  so  long  as 
Germany  does  not  take  French  territory  as  distinct  from 
the  colonies. 

From  the  material  point  of  view  such  a  proposal  is  un- 
acceptable, for  France,  without  further  territory  in  Europe 
being  taken  from  her,  could  be  so  crushed  as  to  lose  her 
position  as  a  Great  Power,  and  become  subordinate  to 
German  policy. 

Altogether,  apart  from  that,  it  would  be  a  disgrace  for 
us  to  make  this  bargain  with  Germany  at  the  expense  of 
France,  a  disgrace  from  which  the  good  name  of  this  coun- 
try would  never  recover. 

The  Chancellor  also  in  effect  asks  us  to  bargain  away 
whate\-er  obligation  or  interest  we  have  as  regards  the 
neutrality  of  Belgium.  We  could  not  entertain  that  bar- 
gain either. 

Having  said  so  much,  it  is  unnecessary  to  examine 
whether  the  prospect  of  a  future  general  neutrality 
agreement  between  England  and  Germany  offered  posi- 
tive advantages  sufficient  to  compensate  us  for  tying 
our  hands  now.  We  must  preserve  our  full  freedom 
to  act  as  circumstances  may  seem  to  us  to  require 
in  any  such  unfavorable  and  regrettable  develop- 
ment of  the  present  crisis  as  the  Chancellor  contem- 
plates. 


128  THE   WORLD   WAR 

You  should  speak  to  the  Chancellor  in  the  above  sense, 
and  add  most  earnestly  that  the  one  way  of  maintaining 
the  good  relations  between  England  and  Germany  is  that 
they  should  continue  to  work  together  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  Europe;  if  we  succeed  in  this  object,  the  mutual  re- 
lations of  Germany  and  England  will,  I  beUeve,  be  ipso 
facto  improved  and  strengthened.  For  that  object  His 
Majesty's  Government  will  work  in  that  way  with  all 
sincerity  and  good-will. 

And  I  will  say  this:  If  the  peace  of  Europe  can  be  pre- 
served, and  the  present  crisis  safely  passed,  my  own  en- 
deavor will  be  to  promote  some  arrangement  to  which 
Germany  could  be  a  party,  by  which  she  could  be  assured 
that  no  aggressive  or  hostile  policy  would  be  pursued 
against  her  or  her  allies  by  France,  Russia,  and  ourselves, 
jointly  or  separately.    (British  White  Paper,  loi.) 

But  Sir  Edward  Grey  did  not  despair  even  after 
this.  The  very  next  day  (July  31)  he  telegraphed  to 
Sir  Edward  Goschen  as  follows: 

The  stumbling-block  hitherto  has  been  Austrian  mis- 
trust of  Servian  assurances,  and  Russian  mistrust  of 
Austrian  intentions  with  regard  to  the  independence  and 
integrity  of  Servia.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that,  in  the 
event  of  this  mistrust  preventing  a  solution  being  found 
by  Vienna  and  St.  Petersburgh,  Germany  might  sound 
Vienna,  and  I  would  undertake  to  sound  St.  Petersburgh, 
whether  it  would  be  possible  for  the  four  disinterested 
Powers  to  offer  to  Austria  that  they  would  undertake  to 
see  that  she  obtained  full  satisfaction  of  her  demands  on 
Servia,  pro\dded  that  they  did  not  imi^air  Servian  sover- 
eignty and  the  integrity  of  Servian  territory.    As  your 


ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT        1 29 

Excellency  is  aware,  Austria  has  already  declared  her  will- 
ingness to  respect  them.  Russia  might  be  informed  by  the 
four  Powers  that  they  would  undertake  to  prevent  Austrian 
demands  going  the  length  of  impairing  Servian  sovereignty 
and  integrity.  All  Powers  would  of  course  suspend  further 
military  operations  or  preparations.  (British  White  Pa- 
per, III.) 

Later  in  the  day,  however,  all  these  pacific  pro- 
posals came  to  an  end. 

The  German  Government  stated  its  discovery  that 
Russia  had  been  secretly  mobilizing  her  whole  land 
and  sea  strength,  and  this  of  course  could  only  be 
against  Germany.  (German  White  Book,  24.)  As  we 
have  seen,  Russia  had  been  warned  by  England,  but 
had  not  heeded  the  warning. 

Austria  and  Russia  now  resumed  "conversations." 
Russia  declared  that,  "if  Austria  consents  to  stay 
the  march  of  her  troops  on  Servian  territory  .  .  . 
Russia  undertakes  to  preserve  her  waiting  attitude!" 
(Russian  Orange  Book,  67.)  On  the  next  day  Sir 
Edward  Grey  telegraphed  as  follows  to  Sir  Edward 
Goschen  at  Berlin: 

I  still  believe  that  it  might  be  possible  to  secure  peace  if 
only  a  little  respite  in  time  can  be  gained  before  any  Great 
Power  begins  war. 

The  Russian  Government  has  communicated  to  me  the 
readiness  of  Austria  to  discuss  with  Russia  and  the  readi- 
ness of  Austria  to  accept  a  basis  of  mediation  which  is  not 


130  THE  WORLD  WAR 

open  to  the  objections  raised  in  regard  to  the  formula 
which  Russia  originally  suggested. 

Things  ought  not  to  be  hopeless  so  long  as  Austria  and 
Russia  are  ready  to  converse,  and  I  hope  that  German 
Government  may  be  able  to  make  use  of  the  Russian 
communications  referred  to  above,  in  order  to  avoid  ten- 
sion. His  Majesty's  Government  are  carefully  abstaining 
from  any  act  which  may  precipitate  matters.  (British 
White  Paper,  131.) 

And  also  on  August  i  in  the  same  spirit,  Sir  Edward 
Grey  thus  informed  the  British  Ambassador  at  St. 
Petersburg : 

Information  reaches  me  from  a  most  reliable  source  that 
Austrian  Government  have  informed  German  Government 
that  though  the  situation  has  been  changed  by  the  mobili- 
zation of  Russia  they  would,  in  full  appreciation  of  the 
efforts  of  England  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  be  ready 
to  consider  favorably  my  proposal  for  mediation  between 
Austria  and  Servia.  The  effect  of  this  acceptance  would 
naturally  be  that  the  Austrian  military  action  against 
Ser^aa  would  continue  for  the  present,  and  that  the  British 
Government  would  urge  upon  Russian  Government  to  stop 
the  mobilization  of  troops  directed  against  Austria,  in 
which  case  Austria  would  naturally  cancel  those  defensive 
military  counter-measures  in  Galicia,  which  have  been 
forced  upon  Austria  by  Russian  mobilization.  You  should 
inform  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  and  say  that  if,  in  the 
consideration  of  the  acceptance  of  mediation  by  Austria, 
Russia  can  agree  to  stop  mobilization,  it  appears  still 
to  be  possible  to  preserve  peace.  (British  White  Paper, 
I35-) 


ENGLAND:  THE  GOVERNMENT        131 

Meanwhile  the  Austrian  Government  had  an- 
nounced that  it  had  no  intention  to  impair  the  sov- 
ereign rights  of  Servia  or  to  obtain  territorial  ag- 
grandizement, and  that  the  door  "had  not  been 
banged"  on  all  further  "conversations."  (British 
White  Paper,  137.) 

But  the  German  ultimatum  of  July  3 1  and  the  Rus- 
sian refusal  to  reply  cut  all  this  short  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  news  of  the  Russian  violation  of  German  ter- 
ritory on  August  I  caused  war.  (German  White  Book, 
Exhibits  24,  25,  26.) 

Russia  had  made  no  treaty  not  to  violate  German 
territory,  but  Germany  had  made  a  treaty  not  to 
violate  Belgian.  Moreover  this  had  been  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  other  Powers,  especially  with  England, 
a  country  inspired  by  the  memories  of  the  occasions 
when  she  tried  to  protect  the  small  states,  for  instance, 
Holland,  from  the  tyranny  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain  (1555- 
1598)  and  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France  (1643-17 15)  and 
again  when  she  protected  not  only  Holland  but  also 
Piedmont  (1796)  and  Portugal  (1807),  from  the  tyranny 
of  Napoleon;  again,  when  there  were  popular  British 
agitations  in  favor  of  the  Polish  (1772,  1793-5,  1830, 
1863),  ItaUan  (1848,  i860,  1870),  Balkan  (1875-6)  and 
Finnish  (1888-9,  i905>  iQOQ?  1912)  national  movements. 

And  yet  England  has  not  always  defended  the 
rights  of  smaller  states.    As  she  cannot  be  too  self- 


132  THE   WORLD   WAR 

righteous  in  reviewing  the  conquests  by  which  her 
Empire  has  been  built  up,  so,  \\dth  the  small  states 
in  particular,  she  may  remember  that,  in  1652,  her 
unfair  Navigation  Act  led  to  her  war  with  Holland. 
She  may  also  recall  her  action  in  this  country  in  the 
v.-ars  of  1776  and  especially  181 2,  when  the  burning 
of  Washington  had  even  less  justification  than  has 
the  destruction  at  Lou  vain.  Nor  is  her  history  with 
regard  to  Denmark  in  1807  and  again  in  1864  above 
reproach.  Had  she  prevented  Bismarck  from  despoil- 
ing Denmark  of  the  province  of  Schleswig,  Germany 
would  assuredly  have  acquired  an  enduring  convic- 
tion of  British  readiness  to  espouse  the  cause  of  small 
sovereign  nations.  This  conviction  would  have  deep- 
ened with  the  years  and  would  have  indicated  abso- 
lutely what  England's  course  would  be  when  Germany 
tore  up  a  treaty  concerning  Belgium. 

Yet,  despite  the  rough-and-ready  conquests  that 
have  signalized  her  Empire-making,  England  is  ac- 
customed to  count  the  cost  before  she  signs  a  treaty. 
Let  her  example  instruct  other  nations,  ours  particu- 
larly included,  v/hich  may  feel  disposed  to  enter  upon 
all-embracing  treaties  or  which  may  dare  to  disregard 
the  duties  implied  under  the  Hague  Convention! 

Having  once  signed  a  treaty,  it  has  been,  as  a  rule, 
England's  tradition  to  honor  her  own  signature.  Let 
that  be  an  example  too! 


ENGLAND:   THE   GOVERNMENT  I33 

In  regard  to  Treaty  obligations,  British  history  in 
general  is  characterized  by  William  Pitt's  statement: 

England  will  never  consent  that  another  country  should 
arrogate  the  power  of  annulling  at  its  pleasure  the  political 
system  of  Europe  established  by  solemn  treaty  and  guar- 
anteed by  the  consent  of  the  Powers. 

But  to  return  to  the  question  with  which  we  started : 
Why  is  England  involved  in  this  war?  Aside  from  any 
obligation  to  France,  she  began  it  for  two  reasons: 

First,  because  of  the  principle  of  the  protection  to 
smaller  and  neighboring  states. 

Second,  to  compel  the  fulfilment  of  a  treaty,  no 
matter  with  what  state. 

But  England  now  has  a  third  reason,  namely,  to 
restore  to  Belgium  whatever  can  be  made  good  of  all 
that  has  been  sacrificed.  Unless  Belgium  receives 
redress  and  an  enduring  assurance  against  any  recur- 
rence of  those  wrongs,  our  progress  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  international  law  has  retrograded  by  so  much, 
indeed  is  gravely  menaced. 

Hence  England  has  three  reasons  for  being  involved 
in  the  present  war:  (i)  protection;  (2)  treaty  obhga- 
tion;  (3)  hmnanity. 


XI 

ENGLAND:  THE  PEOPLE 

[London,  21st  September,  1914] 

As  one  walks  about  the  streets  of  London  one  can- 
not help  wondering  if  the  English  are  taking  the  war 
seriously  enough. 

Especially  in  viewing  London  streets  in  general 
from  the  top  of  a  'bus — from  Whitechapel  to  Rich- 
mond, and  from  the  Elephant  and  Castle  to  Hamp- 
stead  Heath — one  realizes  more  than  ever  the  fact 
that  this  is  indeed  a  nation  of  shopkeepers.  Every- 
where, a  lively  business  seems  to  be  going  on  in  the 
shops  just  as  usual,  though  it  begins  later  in  the  morn- 
ing than  in  more  wide-awake  America.  Everywhere 
the  streets  seem  just  as  crowded  as  ever  by  shoppers 
and  taxicabs. 

Yet  in  regard  to  commerce  history  gives  no  ex- 
ample, so  far  as  I  know,  of  such  a  general  interruption 
of  international  intercourse  and  international  trade 
as  we  are  now  seeing. 

As  far  as  England  is  concerned,  its  outward  aspect, 
save  in  the  cotton  industry  in  the  North,  remains  much 
the  same  as  in  normal  times.     But  there  are  great 

134 


ENGLAND:   THE   PEOPLE  135 

gaps  in  its  commercial  life  to  be  made  good  as  far  as 
possible.  For  over  half  a  million  of  the  most  able- 
bodied  men  in  the  United  Kingdom  have  now  been 
withdrawn  from  their  work-a-day  life. 

The  effect  of  the  war  on  prices,  however,  both  in 
Germany  and  England  is  in  general  gratifyingly  evi- 
dent by  its  absence. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  I  was  in  Frankfort. 
Some  dealers  began  to  put  up  the  prices  of  food.  The 
municipal  government  thereupon  announced  that  any 
effort  by  shopkeepers  abnormally  to  raise  prices  would 
be  at  once  followed  by  a  closing  of  their  shops  by  the 
police.  This  was  actually  carried  out  in  some  in- 
stances. A  similar  course  was  pursued  in  other  cities. 
According  to  latest  advices,  the  result  has  been  that 
prices  of  most  foodstuffs  have  not  advanced  much  in 
Germany.  There  is  as  yet  no  great  scarcity  of  food 
and  the  Germans  anticipate  none  for  a  long  time  to 
come. 

Here,  conditions  have  been  similar.  This  is  the 
more  remarkable  because,  while  Germany  can  supply 
herself  with  grain  of  one  kind  or  another,  four-fifths 
of  the  British  consumption  of  grain  must  come  over- 
sea. The  outlook  for  the  future  is  also  good  as  to 
prices,  indeed,  the  Agricultural  Consultative  Com- 
mittee of  the  British  Government  has  stated  that 
there  is  no  logical  reason  for  any  inflation  of  price  in 


136  THE   WORLD  WAR 

any  of  the  more  important  articles  of  food  with  but 
one  exception,  namely  sugar,  of  which  more  than  half 
of  the  British  supply  comes  from  Germany. 

There  has  been  an  increase  of  price,  however,  in  one 
important  commodity,  namely,  boots  and  shoes.  As 
the  war  has  stopped  several  sources  of  supply  there 
has  been  an  advance  in  the  cost  of  leather,  and  a 
further  rise  is  anticipated.  Hence  boot  and  shoe 
manufacturers  are  unable  to  use  the  same  quality 
of  leather  as  hitherto  except  at  a  higher  price. 

In  London  the  effect  of  the  war  is  seen  mostly  in 
the  building  trade.  When  the  war  began  the  labor 
dispute,  having  involved  six  months  of  idleness,  had 
just  been  settled.  Building  operations  had  broken 
into  widespread  activity — as  seen  by  such  important 
structures  in  course  of  erection  as  the  Government 
Office  extension,  the  London  County  Hall,-  the  Public 
Trustee  Office,  the  Park  Lane  and  Regent  Palace 
Hotels.  Alas  that  much  of  the  work  on  these  build- 
ings should  again  be  checked,  this  time  by  the  war. 
The  check  indicates  the  hold  which  Germany  has  ob- 
tained on  this  particular  industry  for  she  supplies  to 
England,  among  other  things,  girders,  cement,  window 
glass,  electric  fittings,  ready-made  doors  and  painters' 
colors. 

But,  in  general,  the  people  of  these  Isles  have  been 
wonderfully  protected  in  their  trade  and  industry 


ENGLAND:  THE  PEOPLE  137 

and  especially  in  their  cost  of  living.  Do  they  fully 
realize  what  has  protected  them?  Had  it  not  been 
for  the  weighty  if  unobtrusive  influence  of  their  fleet 
there  would  be  no  so-called  ''free  breakfast  table"  in 
England  to-day. 

Consider  what  the  British  Navy  has  already  done 
to  date.     It  has  inflicted  this  loss  on  the  Germans: 

It  has  captured  88  ships  with  a  tonnage  of  338,000, 

It  has  detained  in  British  ports  102  ships  with  a 
tonnage  of  about  200,000. 

It  has  detained  in  American  ports  15  ships  with  a 
tonnage  of  247,000. 

It  has  detained  in  the  Suez  Canal  14  ships  with  a 
tonnage  of  72,000. 

In  addition,  the  Allies  have  disposed  of  168  ships 
with  a  tonnage  of  283,000. 

There  is  thus  a  total  of  387  ships  with  a  tonnage  of 
1,140,000! 

Whatever  the  damage — and  it  is  large — done  by 
the  German  Navy  to  Russia,  the  damage  to  England 
is  trifling  in  comparison  with  what  the  British  Navy 
has  been  able  to  accomphsh  in  crippling  the  Germans. 
Something  over  a  dozen  British  ships,  as  reported, 
have  so  far  been  sunk  by  German  cruisers.  To  this 
number  must  be  added  24  British  fishing  vessels  sunk 
by  the  Germans  in  the  North  Sea  and  from  15  to  20 
British  and  foreign  vessels  blown  up  by  mines. 


138  THE   WORLD   WAR 

The  above,  however,  is  by  no  means  a  full  record 
of  the  effect  of  sea  power  as  developed  by  the  greatest 
Sea  Power, 

Under  the  British  naval  shield  English  armies, 
trained  in  England,  have  proceeded  abroad. 

Again,  most  British  merchant  vessels  have  been  pur- 
suing their  usual  avocations  much  as  though  a  German 
Navy  did  not  exist. 

Hence,  whatever  has  been  the  cost  of  the  British 
Navy  during  the  past  hundred  years,  it  has  paid  for 
itself  several  times  over,  I  believe,  in  keeping  down  the 
price  of  food. 

It  is  reported  that  Napoleon  once  said : 

The  only  way  to  prevent  the  Continental  Powers  from 
bridling  you  is  for  England  to  proceed  in  her  proper  sphere 
as  an  insular  Power,  possessing  the  command  of  the 
sea.  .  .  .  Your  marine  is  the  real  force  of  your  country, 
and  one  which,  while  you  preserve  it,  will  always  render 
you  powerful. 

Some  years  ago,  when  it  was  necessary  to  increase 
the  appropriations  for  the  British  Navy,  there  was  an 
outcry  on  the  part  of  Little  Englanders,  just  as,  for 
the  increase  of  the  American  Navy,  there  has  been  an 
outcry  on  the  part  of  Little  Americans.  Nothing  is 
now  being  said,  as  far  as  I  know,  about  the  enormous 
cost  of  the  British  Navy!  English  men  and  especially 
English  women,  the  providers  for  the  homes,  are  only 


ENGLAND:   THE   PEOPLE  I39 

too  glad  to  think  that  by  this  mighty  naval  protec- 
tion, they  are  still  enabled  to  live  at  the  old  rate. 

But  I  do  not  think  that  this  people  or  any  people 
appreciate  what  it  means  to  be  a  sailor  in  these  days. 
Every  night  the  English  sailor  must  cross  mine-sown 
seas.  Already  there  have  been  cases  of  consequent 
insanity. 

The  sinking  of  three  large  cruisers  by  the  German 
submarine  the  other  day  is  regarded  here  as  perhaps  the 
most  distinctive  event  of  the  war  so  far — a  war  to  be 
distinguished  over  all  that  have  preceded  it  by  the 
fighting  under  the  water  and  in  the  air.  Certainly, 
the  loss  of  the  three  cruisers  indicates  the  growing 
importance  and  deadhness  of  the  submarines.  Mighty 
as  is  the  British  Fleet,  as  it  rides  the  waves,  it  must 
reckon  with  an  under-sea  force  possibly  mightier  still. 

There  was  no  "possibly"  in  the  view  of  Admiral 
Sir  Percy  Scott  on  this  subject  as  expressed  in  a  letter 
to  the  London  Times  last  June  when  he  said:  "The 
introduction  of  the  vessels  that  swim  under  the  water 
has,  in  my  opinion,  entirely  done  away  with  the  utihty 
of  the  ships  that  swim  on  the  top  of  the  water,"  Cer- 
tainly the  case  of  the  Birmingham,  of  the  Pathfinder, 
of  the  Hela,  and  now  of  the  three  Cressys  support  the 
above  view.  For  the  submarine  is  pecuHarly  dan- 
gerous for  two  reasons,  first  because  it  is  generally 
invisible,  and  second  because  of  the  increased  accuracy 


I40  THE  WORLD   WAR 

and  power  of  its  torpedo.  The  importance  of  the 
submarine  as  a  menace  is  being  shown  by  this  war 
to  be  far  greater  than  was  ever  before  appreciated;  it 
may  be  doubted,  however,  whether  it  will  entirely  do 
away  "with  the  utihty  of  the  ships  that  swim  on  the 
top  of  the  water." 

Such  events  as  those  to  which  reference  has  been 
made  ought  to  be  enough  to  sober  anyone  and  yet — 
though  the  street  lights  are  lower  for  fear  of  Zeppelins 
— by  night  as  well  as  by  day  London  seems  much  the 
same.  The  restaurants,  music-halls  and  theatres  are 
all  going  at  full  blast — although  the  Opera  House 
is  shut — and  the  general  character  of  the  entertain- 
ments offered  hardly  affords  the  notion  that  the  whole 
nation  is  taking  the  war  very  seriously.  Some  twenty 
odd  theatres  advertise  in  the  Times  and  Telegraph 
and  doubtless  double  their  number  do  not  advertise. 
In  the  list  of  plays  the  only  very  serious  soldier-like 
piece  is  "Drake."  There  should  be  many  "Drakes." 
We  note  the  contrast  with  Munich,  where  all  the 
theatres  were  closed  except  four  small  ones  generally 
given  over  to  farces  and  light  comedy;  now,  however, 
they  gave  only  such  very  serious  and  soldier-Hke 
pieces  as  "Minna  von  Barnhelm"  and  "Wilhelm 
Tell." 

Despite  appearances,  however,  it  is  hardly  possible 
that  the  seven  millions  of  London  men,  women  and 


ENGLAND:   THE  PEOPLE  14I 

children  are  going  about  their  ordinary  afifairs  as  if 
there  were  no  war — as  if  the  war  image  had  found  no 
place  for  itself  in  their  brains  or  their  hearts. 

One  is  tempted  to  think  the  same  about  that  praise- 
worthy and  essentially  British  feature  of  hfe — out- 
door sport,  though  one  observes  the  holiday  crowds  on 
the  Thames  and  the  sports  taking  place  in  the  suburbs 
just  as  at  any  time. 

Near  Twickenham  yesterday  I  saw  the  golfers  at 
play,  and  the  mention  of  the  name  golf  gives  an  op- 
portunity of  saying  that  the  lovers  of  this  game  have 
apparently  acted  more  patriotically  with  regard  to 
recruiting  than  have  the  followers  of  any  other  sport. 

In  the  first  place,  at  the  outbreak  of  war,  the  prin- 
ciple was  established  that  play  by  young  men  who 
could  enlist  should  be  discouraged. 

In  the  second  place  it  was  decided  that  competi- 
tions should  be  stopped — and  the  meaning  of  this 
can  be  gathered  when  it  is  realized  that  this  is  the 
first  time  since  the  Royal  and  Ancient  Club's  Compe- 
titions were  established  in  1806,  that  any  of  them 
have  been  abandoned. 

In  the  third  place  there  was  the  question  of  the 
caddies.  Many  clubs  not  only  paid  the  caddies'  rail- 
way fare  but  gave  them  bonuses  to  enlist;  I  heard  of 
one  club  which  offered  a  £3  bonus  to  every  one  of  its 
caddies  who  joined  any  branch  of  the  Forces.    The 


142  THE   WORLD  WAR 

Royal  St.  George's  Golf  Club,  where  the  Champion- 
ship took  place  last  May  (one  of  the  two  leading  Golf 
Clubs  in  England)  has  now  issued  this  admirable 
statement  with  respect  to  caddies : 

Until  further  notice  no  man  who  is  eligible  for  enrolment 
in  the  Forces  of  the  country  will  be  employed  as  a  caddie 
on  this  course,  or  allowed  on  the  Club  property,  unless  he 
can  supply  satisfactory  evidence  that  the  country  will  not 
accept  his  services. 

Only  old  men  and  boys  now  act  as  caddies  at  Sand- 
wich! 

The  Club  is  not  only  looking  after  the  wives  and 
famihes  of  any  of  its  caddies  and  servants  who  may 
have  joined  the  colors,  but  has  also  been  foremost 
in  the  movement  to  put  Golf  Club  houses  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Army  and  Navy.  As  a  rule,  such 
houses,  situated  as  they  are  amid  open  and  healthy 
surroundings,  having  large  rooms  with  ample  kitchens 
and  excellent  sanitary  provision,  are  quite  ideal  for 
such  a  purpose.  One  of  the  foremost  Clubs  of  the 
London  district — that  at  Stoke  Poges — has  offered 
to  take  in  25  convalescent  or  wounded  men  right 
away  and,  what  is  more,  to  supply  the  necessary 
medical  staff. 

Would  that  football  might  have  shown  some  such 
record.  At  Stamford  Bridge,  the  other  day,  when 
Chelsea  played  Shefi&eld,  a  crowd  of  about  30,000 


ENGLAND:  THE   PEOPLE  143 

people  gathered.  It  is  contended  that  tliis  very  fact 
is  reason  enough  why  football  should  be  continued. 
If  it  were  closed  down,  it  is  said,  much  more  harm 
than  good  would  result.  The  good  that  always  re- 
sults is  emphasized  by  the  fact  that,  more  than  any 
other  outdoor  game,  football  helps  the  participant  or 
the  onlooker  to  forget  that  we  are  living  in  grim  and 
awful  days  I  As  football  represents  the  keenest  kind 
of  competition  it  distracts  proportionately;  it  does 
away  with  the  doldrums.  Hence  the  Football  Asso- 
ciation has  decided  to  carry  through  its  usual  pro- 
gramme for  the  season.  It  is  a  satisfaction  to  note 
how  the  Spectator  thus  comments  upon  the  decision: 

The  mere  continuance  of  spectacular  football  will  hold 
under  its  spell  at  home  hundreds  of  thousands  of  young 
men  who  ought  to  be  in  Lord  Kitchener's  Army.  Every 
one  of  those  "sweet  little  men"  (a  reference  to  Holmes's 
verses  on  those  who  stay  at  home  though  able  to  go  to  the 
front)  will  be  a  shirker. 

Perhaps  the  Football  Association  will  also  be  im- 
pervious to  the  irony  between  the  lines  of  the  answer 
of  the  Army  Council  to  the  Association's  letter.  In 
the  letter  the  War  Office  was  informed  that  the  As- 
sociation was  prepared  to  request  its  members  to 
stop  the  playing  of  matches  if  the  authorities  were  of 
opinion  that  such  a  course  was  proper.  After  acknowl- 
edging the  Association's  proffered  assistance  in  plac- 


144  THE   WORLD   WAR 

ing  football  grounds  at  the  disposal  of  the  Army  and 
in  obtaining  recruits,  the  letter  reads : 

The  question  whether  the  playing  of  matches  should 
be  entirely  stopped  is  more  a  matter  for  the  discretion  of 
the  Association.  The  Council  .  .  .  would  deprecate  any- 
thing being  done  which  does  not  appear  to  be  called  for  by 
the  present  situation.  Should  your  Association  decide  to 
continue  the  playing  of  matches,  the  Council  trust  that 
arrangements  will  be  made  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  the 
facilities  at  present  afforded  to  the  recruiting  authorities. 

The  Council  also  suggest  that  the  Association  might  take 
all  steps  in  their  power  to  press  the  need  of  the  country  for 
recruits  upon  spectators  who  are  eligible  for  enlistment, 
and  they  would  further  venture  to  suggest  that  some  por- 
tion of  the  gate  money  might  be  set  aside  for  the  charitable 
relief  of  the  families  and  dependents  of  all  soldiers  and 
sailors  who  arc  serving  in  the  present  war. 

The  Rugby  footballers  and  the  Association  foot- 
ballers, who  are  amateurs  and  not  of  the  class  from 
which  the  professional  football  recruits  are  drawn,  are 
not  to  be  included  in  the  above.  Their  men  have 
joined  the  colors  and  are  an  example  to  the  country. 
Far  different  is  the  example  set  by  the  Association 
players.  Their  men,  physically  fit,  should  fight  for 
their  country,  but  their  employers  entrench  them- 
selves behind  the  sanctity  of  contract.  Think  of 
several  thousand  well-trained,  plucky  men,  simply 
kicking  footballs  about  at  this  time ! 

The  same  plea — that  of  decreasing  the  strain  on  the 


ENGLAND:  THE  PEOPLE   •  145 

nation — has  been  put  forward  in  regard  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  racing.  In  accordance  with  the  decision 
arrived  at  by  the  Jockey  Club  the  autumn  season  at 
Newmarket  opens  to-day,  as  originally  arranged. 
Any  other  decision,  we  read  in  the  Telegraph,  is 
"unthinkable,"  for  in  view  of  the  very  large  number 
of  persons  dependent  upon  racing  for  their  livehhood, 
the  interests  of  the  nation  showed  that  such  persons 
should  be  retained,  as  far  as  possible,  in  their  usual 
vocations,  "as  otherwise  they  might  be  compelled  in 
the  near  future  to  apply  for  relief  to  funds  which  will 
be  urgently  needed  for  cases  of  unavoidable  dis- 
tress. .  .  .  The  stewards  and  members  of  the  Jockey 
Club  have  a  duty  to  fulfil.  They  have  discharged  it  in 
the  best  possible  way  and  a  vast  community  is  grate- 
ful to  them." 

Why  not  say  frankly  that  many  men  prefer  to 
play  at  home  rather  than  fight  abroad? 

If  the  above  is  true  of  the  great  popular  sports,  it 
is  also  true  of  the  more  individual  out-of-door  amuse- 
ments. Everyone  knows  that  the  English  excel  all 
the  world  in  the  hunting  field,  but  not  all  were  pre- 
pared to  read  Sir  Evelyn  Wood's  appeal  to  the  Masters 
of  Hounds  not  to  stop  hunting, — on  the  ground  that 
hunting  is  a  very  important  training  for  British 
ofiicers,  the  very  dash  of  British  cavalry  being  attrib- 
utable to  it.    This  is,  of  course,  one  of  the  causes  of 


146  THE   WORLD   WAR 

British  cavalry  dash.  But  there  is  hunting  and  shoot- 
ing to  do  for  Britons  on  the  Continent  rather  than  in 
England  just  now! 

The  English  are  not,  as  some  Germans  like  to  claim, 
mere  conamerciaUsts  and  materialists,  existing  only 
for  trade  and  sport.  Like  the  Germans  they  exist 
also  for  social  and  rehgious  service. 

First,  social.  The  English  or  the  German  munici- 
pality, in  its  social  and  civic  work  is  lessoning  the 
world,  and  not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  efficient 
organization.  The  underlying  spirit  and  attitude  are 
equally  admirable.  The  adjective  to  describe  this 
spirit  would  be  in  English,  "cheerful";  in  German, 
gemuthlich. 

One  notices  the  note  of  cheerfulness  all  through  the 
social  work  of  England.  One  notices  it  first  of  all  in 
the  endeavors  for  reform  and  justice  made  by  the 
Labor  Parties — for  there  are  now  two,  the  Laborites, 
pure  and  simple,  and  the  Independent  Laborites,  the 
latter  led  by  Ramsay  Macdonald,  M.  P.,  formerly 
the  leader  of  all  the  Laborites  in  Parliament. 

This  contagious  cheerfulness  has  also  to  do  with 
the  success  of  such  endeavors  as  those  of  Toynbee 
Hall  and  the  People's  Palace,  and  especially  with  the 
endeavors  made  to  relieve  the  wounded  and  the 
needy  because  of  the  present  war.  Chief  among 
these  endeavors  is,  of  course,  the  British  Red  Cross. 


ENGLAND:   THE   PEOPLE  147 

In  this  connection  one  might  add  that  the  women  of 
England,  by  their  efficient  committee  work  in  many 
directions,  have  proved  their  fitness  for  the  ballot, 
in  a  far  more  compelling  way  than  that  shown  by 
Mrs.  Pankhurst  and  her  followers. 

Of  course  the  cheerfulness  is  evident  in  the  Salva- 
tion Army  work,  whether  social  or  religious.  Last 
Sunday  I  went  to  the  Army  Headquarters  at  Clapton 
Common  in  the  northeast  of  London  where  the  social 
side  is  strongly  to  the  fore  in  the  neighboring  build- 
ings devoted  to  "The  Training  School  for  Women," 
"The  Mothers  Hospital"  and  other  similar  works. 

The  note  of  cheerfulness  is  also  evident  in  dis- 
tinctly reUgious  work,  of  course  in  that  of  the  Church 
Army  under  the  direction  of  Prebendary  Carlile,  in 
Billingsgate;  also  at  Oxford  House  and  in  the  labors 
of  "The  Brothers  of  the  Divine  Compassion"  in 
the  Whitechapel  district;  and  at  Rowntree  CHfford's 
Mission  in  West  Ham.  English  clergymen  are  not 
all  ascetic  and  pre-RaphaeUte  looking!  Most  of  them 
are  hardy  looking,  sometimes  they  are  decidedly 
thick-set  like  the  traditional  John  Bull.  And  gener- 
ally they  are  cheerful. 

The  question  is  now  being  widely  discussed  as  to 
whether  the  clergy  should  enlist.  So  far  as  the  clergy 
of  the  Church  of  England  are  concerned,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  as  Primate  of  that  Church  says: 


148  THE    WORLD    WAR 

''The  position  and  duties  of  a  combatant  are  not  ap- 
propriate in  the  case  of  one  who  has  received  Holy 
Orders."  Nonconformists  do  not  all  agree.  A  num- 
ber of  their  ministers  are  joining  the  recruits,  be- 
lieving that  they  are  not  betraying  a  higher  trust 
but  are  playing  the  man.  This,  however,  they  do 
without  the  sHghtest  criticism  of  other  clergymen  who 
feel  that  they  must  confine  themselves  to  their  spirit- 
ual functions.  The  question  is  increasingly  being  dis- 
cussed, however,  as  to  whether  the  clergyman  who 
faces  death  along  with  his  fellow  soldiers  may  not  com- 
mend the  message  of  Christ  with  a  unique  power. 

But  this  discussion  impresses  the  American  in 
London  very  little  compared  with  the  daily  impression 
he  obtains  from  the  multitude  of  services  every  noon 
for  intercessory  prayer.  The  services  are  attended  by 
many  devout  people,  and  it  is  always  evident  that 
among  them  some  mother,  sister,  wife,  sweetheart,  has 
one  particular  soldier  at  the  front  for  whom  she  is 
praying.  No  one  can  be  insensible  to  this  appeal  to 
the  deepest  emotions  of  the  soul.  While,  in  every 
country  involved,  such  appeals  are  being  addressed  to 
the  Almighty,  the  very  large  number  of  places  for 
prayer  here  in  England  seems  suddenly  to  have  been 
emphasized.  Outside  the  church  there  is  this  legend, 
to  inspire  those,  even,  who  are  mere  passers-by  and 
who  do  not  enter  the  sanctuary. 


ENGLAND:  THE   PEOPLE  I49 

A  CALL  TO  PRAYER 
AT  12  NOON  EVERY  DAY 

REMEMBER  IN  PRAYER 

THE  KING  AND  ALL  IN  AUTHORITY 

OUR  SAILORS,  SOLDIERS,  AND  ALLIES, 

THE  SUFFERING,  THE  ANXIOUS, 

THE  SORROWFUL. 

"  The  Lord  our  God  be  with  us,  as  He  was  with  our 
fathers." 

As  to  the  causes  of  war,  when  facts  become  known 
praise  and  blame  will  be  more  evenly  meted  out  among 
all  the  nations.  But,  as  one  cannot  now  live  in  Ger- 
many without  realizing  that  the  people  believe  them- 
selves engaged  in  a  war  of  defence,  so  one  cannot  now 
live  in  England  without  realizing  that  the  people  be- 
lieve themselves  engaged  in  defending  the  rights  of 
the  small  nations. 

In  their  respective  aims,  the  two  peoples  are  ani- 
mated by  a  sincere  fervor  and  conviction. 

However  fundamental  the  aims,  the  war  may  break 
of  its  weight.  The  horror  which  it  has  created  may 
ensure  peace. 

The  result  of  this  war  will  be  social  as  much  as 
strategical.  In  Germany  there  will  come  in  time  a 
keener    appreciation    of    what    English    social    and 


ISO  THE   WORLD   WAR 

parliamentary  progress  means.  In  England  there 
will  be  a  greater  recognition  of  what  has  been  ac- 
complished in  Germany,  especially  in  the  direction 
of  self-respecting,  so-called  State  Socialism.  Each 
should  modify  and  influence  the  other  to  their  mutual 
advantage.  As  to  measures  of  miHtary  defence,  in 
both  countries,  especially  in  this,  there  must  be  a 
keener  appreciation  of  organization  and  discipline. 
And  that  means,  not  merely  a  clever  plan  and  stick- 
ing to  your  plan.  The  lazy  nation,  like  the  lazy  man, 
will  be  sent  to  the  rear. 

But  first  have  a  good  principle  underlying  the 
plan! 

In  one  respect  the  German  and  English  peoples 
are  alike,  namely,  in  the  way  in  which  they  receive 
the  tidings  of  war,  whether  of  victories  or  defeats. 
In  both  nations  the  underlying  attitude  is  one  of 
dogged,  unrufHed  equanimity  resting  on  a  genuine 
social  conscience  and  religious  trust. 

Admirable  as  this  is,  it  is  also  the  grimmest  thing 
about  the  whole  war.  For  it  means  determination. 
The  temper  of  these  two  peoples,  the  English  and  the 
German,  is  such  that  no  effort  and  no  sacrifice  will 
be  too  much  until  each  shall  have  finished  that  to 
which  each  has  set  its  hand. 

Whatever  their  governments  may  do  or  leave  un- 
done, and  whatever  the  physical  results  of  the  war 


ENGLAND:  THE   PEOPLE  151 

may  be,  these  nations,  as  apart  from  their  govern- 
ments, are  too  sincere  ever  to  allow  themselves  to 
suffer  spiritual  defeat.  Such  peoples  realize  that 
Japanese  legend  of  the  heroes  who  never  die;  though 
their  bodies  fall,  the  multitude  of  their  souls  con- 
tinues the  assault.  It  is  a  crime  that  such  peoples 
cannot  always  be  united.  Why  should  not  America 
unite  them  and  stand  with  them  to  preserve  the 
world's  peace? 


XII 

THE  ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS 

I.  The  English  Press 

[London,  2gth  September,  igi4.] 

Atrocities  have  now  happened,  committed  not  by 
half-crazed  Belgian  civilians,  but  by  German  soldiers. 
Unfortunately,  however,  the  stories  have  excited  the 
reporters  and  editors  of  EngHsh  newspapers  to  an 
unnatural  pitch.  News  is  printed  which  often  turns 
out  to  be  mere  rumor. 

For  instance,  the  other  night  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette 
and  the  Westminster  Gazette  had  a  detailed  report 
of  a  revolting  atrocity  in  Belgium.  It  related  to  an 
English  nurse,  alleged  to  have  been  killed  by  Germans 
with  bestial  cruelty.  The  following  night  the  papers 
stated  that  the  story  was  a  hoax,  that  the  nurse  in 
question  was  actually  in  England  and  had  never  been 
in  Belgium ! 

The  affair  shows  the  need  to  confirm  all  reported 
facts.  An  English  statesman  said  the  other  day:  "I 
do  not  beUeve  three-quarters  of  the  stories  I  see  about 
atrocities.    Some  of  them  may  be  straight  lies.    More 

152 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  1 53 

are  probably  due  to  an  unhinged  mind."  This  is 
doubtless  true,  but  the  trouble  is  that  the  publication 
of  every  rumor  makes  the  confiding  reader  feel  that 
all  the  stories  of  atrocities  may  be  true. 

While  rendering  great  service,  both  in  reporting 
and  in  interpreting  war  news,  the  English  newspapers 
sometimes  disappoint  their  readers,  even  more  than 
do  the  German  papers  because  one  expects  more  of 
the  Enghsh  Press  than  of  any  other. 

First,  on  the  reportorial  side,  American  readers  do 
not  expect  to  find  misstatements  in  British  news- 
papers. And  yet,  in  the  London  Times  for  Septem- 
ber 4th  (the  English  having  had  full  command  of  cable 
agencies  and  the  German  none)  we  read : 

German  news  gets  a  long  start  of  the  more  sober  and 
veracious  British  intelligence. 

And  in  the  London  Daily  News  of  the  same  date: 

Her  [Sweden's]  interest  in  Finland  is  limited  to  an  in- 
tenser  form  of  that  desire  shared  by  every  free  people  to 
see  the  Finnish  people  free  and  happy  under  the  Russian 
Crown. 

Or  this  from  the  London  Spectator  of  September  4th: 

The  affinity  of  Englishmen  to  Russians  is  natural,  and 
cannot  be  suppressed. 

Or  this  from  Truth  of  September  2d : 

In  a  fortnight  the  Cossacks  should  be  knocking  at  the 
gates  of  Berlin. 


154  THE   WORLD   WAR 

Or  this  remarkable  adverb  from  the  London  Times 
of  September  4th: 

Their  [the  German]  losses  infinitely  outnumber  the 
casualties  among  the  Allies. 

At  a  later  date  the  Times  announces : 

The  whole  structure  (of  Rheims  Cathedral)  has  been 
wrecked. 

On  October  3d  the  Saturday  Review  makes  the 
following  announcement: 

That  England  is  an  enemy  to  be  destroyed  by  war  is 
a  maxim  now  accepted  by  the  whole  German  people.  We 
are  not  fighting  a  few  Prussian  officers  and  bureaucrats. 
We  are  fighting  a  furious  nation,  of  one  mind  and  heart. 

And  why  should  the  London  Telegraph  of  Septem- 
ber 20th  print  the  title  "German  Hypocrisy"  above 
the  following  doubtless  sincere  announcement: 

Fifty  members  of  the  Reichstag,  Privy  Councillors,  and 
other  members  of  the  German  Centre  party  have  addressed 
to  the  Cardinals  a  pamphlet  containing  an  ardent  plea  for 
the  German  cause.  It  declares  that  for  forty  years  Ger- 
many has  been  the  apostle  of  peace  in  Europe,  and  that 
she  was  compelled  to  go  to  war  to  defend  her  territory  and 
that  of  Austria.  It  was,  they  say,  the  schismatic  Russians 
who  desired  war.  The  Cardinals  are  requested  to  act  as 
agents  of  the  truth  among  the  nations. 

Now  the  English  case  is  strong  enough  in  all  con- 
science. Why  compromise  it  by  misstatements,  either 
in  text  or  title? 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN   PRESS  1 55 

Or  why  compromise  it  by  making  caricature  take 
the  place  of  cartoon,  as  has  Punch  recently — Punch 
generally  so  admirable — showing  the  Kaiser  as  he  is 
not!  As  the  eloquent  preacher,  the  Rev.  F.  C.  Spurr, 
said  yesterday:  "That's  un-Enghsh;  that's  hitting  be- 
low the  belt." 

On  the  other  hand,  one  often  notices  an  effort  to  be 
fair  in  reporting  the  news.  An  evidence  in  this  direc- 
tion— and,  as  well,  a  fine  example  of  reportorial  enter- 
prise,— is  the  column  published  daily  by  the  London 
Times  and  entitled  "Through  German  Eyes";  in  it 
various  bits  of  news  and  opinion  are  translated  from 
German  journals. 

On  the  reportorial  side,  however,  English  papers 
have  to  struggle  with  the  Censor.  They  are  complain- 
ing about  this.  They  are,  they  say,  not  treated  fairly. 
The  censorship  suppressed,  they  assert,  any  mention 
of  General  von  Hindenburg's  victory  over  the  Rus- 
sians in  East  Prussia  and  the  news  only  reached  Eng- 
land through  a  casual  letter  printed  in  a  provincial 
newspaper.    Says  the  London  Daily  News: 

Our  own  correspondents'  accounts  of  the  fall  of  the 
Li^ge  forts  were  held  up  in  London  for  days  after  the 
facts  had  been  published  both  in  Dutch  and  in  Gei-man 
papers;  on  the  other  hand,  other  messages  describing  the 
heroic  resistance  of  the  fallen  forts  were  passed,  unchecked, 
on  to  an  unsuspecting  British  public  who  alone  in  Europe 
was  unaware  that  the  resistance  of  which  they  were  read- 


156  THE   WORLD   WAR 

ing  had  ended  days  before.  All  newspapers  are  anxious 
to  co-operate  with  the  Censor  in  the  national  interest. 
But  we  do  desire  very  earnestly  to  urge  that  there  are 
dangers  in  a  censorship  which  irritates  neutrals  unneces- 
sarily and  conceals  from  the  British  pubUc  what  is  known 
to  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  same  journal  thus  protests  against  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  war  correspondent : 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  Government  devised 
a  method  of  reconciling  the  nation's  just  demands  with 
military  interests,  by  accepting  a  list  of  war  correspond- 
ents. These  were  to  be  under  the  control  of  a  Press  officer, 
and  all  their  messages  were  to  be  censored  before  dis- 
patch. They  have  bought  horses,  engaged  servants,  ob- 
tained equipment,  and  made  all  necessary  arrangements. 
Two  months  of  war  have  passed,  but  they  have  not  been 
allowed  to  cross  the  seas.  .  .  .  The  point  of  view  of  the 
public  is  that  all  news  of  the  war  should  be  pubhshed  which 
is  not  injurious  to  mihtary  interests.  That  is  not  due 
simply  to  an  idle  curiosity,  but  it  is  a  mere  act  of  justice 
to  our  soldiers  who  are  fighting  so  gallant  and  so  arduous 
a  fight,  and  to  the  nation  at  home  which  must  sustain 
the  struggle  by  sacrifices  of  money,  and,  as  they  are  needed, 
of  men.  To  keep  the  nation  instructed  is,  therefore,  as 
proper  if  not  as  important  a  part  of  strategy  as  to  keep 
the  ranks  of  our  forces  at  full  strength. 

The  papers,  however,  are  not  protesting  so  much 
because  of  particular  facts  as  because  of  the  general 
official  attitude.  As  Mr.  Arnold  Bennett  declares, 
this  attitude  discloses  the  same  defect  of  mind  which 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  1 57 

makes  Bernhardi's  book  such  really  comic  reading 
just  now — an  incapacity  imaginatively  to  understand 
human  nature. 

Now  doubtless  the  War  Office  of  such  a  country  as 
Russia  has  a  natural  relation  to  the  reactionary  poli- 
cies of  autocracy  and  has,  as  well,  forced  militarism 
on  other  countries.  Doubtless  the  Russian  War 
Office  deems  the  Russian  public  purely  infantile. 
Yet  the  British  War  Office  may  consider  the  intelli- 
gent British  public  more  or  less  infantile  in  all  that 
concerns  military  strategy.  Doubtless  too  the  British 
War  Office  is  kindly,  not  harshly,  disposed  and  thinks 
that  under  any  circumstances  the  public's  nerves 
ought  to  be  spared.  The  main  reasons,  however,  why 
the  authorities  in  any  country  do  not  want  to  tell  all 
they  know  are  doubtless  first  because  they  do  not 
want  to  admit  that  their  machine  is  not  always  tri- 
umphant, and  second  because,  if  they  did  admit  it, 
the  news  would  be  taken  advantage  of  by  the  enemy. 

In  its  re- transmission  of  news,  the  censorship  af- 
fects us  in  America.  We  have  been  deprived  of  direct 
cables  from  Germany.  No  one  disputes  the  right 
of  the  British  authorities  to  refuse  to  allow  any  mes- 
sages from  Germany  to  be  forwarded  to  America  over 
their  lines.  But — and  this  is  a  big  but — does  not  such 
refusal  indicate  that  the  British  would  not  only  deprive 
America  of  receiving  any  communications  from  Ger- 


158  THE   WORLD   WAR 

many,  but  also  that  they  will  allow  only  such  infor- 
mation concerning  Germany  as  can  filter  through, 
colored  by  their  Censor.  Concerning  the  protest  from 
America  the  London  Daily  News  says : 

The  reason  of  this  outburst  is  not  that  news  is  sup- 
pressed— Americans  generally  are  sensible  and  practical 
people  perfectly  aware  that  some  news  must  be  suppressed 
in  war  time — but  that  articles  which  can  have  no  sort  of 
military  importance  are  censored  for  no  other  reason  than 
that  they  give  the  views  of  the  Allies'  opponents.  The 
Censorship,  that  is  to  say,  has  extended  its  sway  from  the 
supervision  of  reports  of  facts,  where  it  is  or  may  be  legiti- 
mate, to  that  of  expressions  of  opinions  and  fancies  where 
it  is  unprofitable  to  intervene. 

Now  as  to  the  editorial  side  of  Enghsh  newspapers. 
Here  too  there  were  certain  miscalculations  before 
the  war  began.  Perhaps  the  principal  one  was  the 
theory  that  because  the  German  Socialists  in  the 
Reichstag,  no  strong  and  the  largest  body  in  that 
Parhament,  had  defied  the  Kaiser,  therefore  they 
would  not  fight  under  the  Kaiser ! 

In  the  next  place,  as  to  religion,  pubHc  opinion  here 
has  too  long  been  fed  by  papers  Hke  the  British  Weekly, 
with  which  everything  German  seems  anathema.  To 
such  papers  the  very  name  Germany  is  apparently 
only  a  synonym  for  rationalism. 

Again,  practically  every  English  editor  found  in  the 
name  Nietzsche  a  synonym  for  German  philosophy, 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  1 59 

in  the  name  Treitschke  a  synonym  for  German  politi- 
cal ideals,  and  in  the  name  Bernhardi  a  synonym  for 
German  military  ideals.  Yet  has  any  one  of  these  men 
affected  more  than  one  class  in  the  Fatherland? — in- 
deed, Nietzsche  seems  both  disliked  and  despised  by 
most  Germans,  and  no  German  writer  of  the  same 
class,  it  is  held,  not  even  Hauptmann,  has  been  as 
much  affected  by  him  as  has  been  the  Russian,  Merejs- 
kowsky. 

As  the  war  progressed,  most  editors  seemed  to  be 
agreed  as  to  the  following  conclusions : 

1.  Prussian  militarism  is  striving  to  set  its  heel  on  the 
whole  of  Europe. 

2.  England,  France,  Russia,  Belgium,  and  Servia  have 
thrown  their  forces  into  the  field  in  resistance. 

3.  German  victory  might  mean  the  absorption  of  Hol- 
land, Belgium,  and  the  northern  parts  of  France  into  the 
vast  German  Empire. 

4.  It  would  also  mean  the  ultimate  disappearance  of  the 
British  mercantile  marine  from  the  seas. 

5.  It  might  mean  the  loss  of  South  Africa  and  India. 

6.  It  might  even  result  in  the  absorption  of  the  British 
Isles  into  the  German  Empire. 

7.  Before  that  could  come  about  England  might  have 
to  witness  the  scenes  at  Louvain  repeated  at  Canterbury 
or  Cambridge  and  English  villages  would  have  the  same 
tale  to  tell  of  murdered  women  and  children  and  old  men  as 
Belgian  villages  have  told. 

With  these  conclusions  in  mind,  English  editors 
sometimes  ride  roughshod  over  little  neutral  Holland. 


l6o  THE   WORLD   WAR 

As  to  this,  the  London  Evening  News  (not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  London  Daily  News,  a  morning 
paper)  thus  declares: 

It  is  urgently  necessary  that  all  correspondence  with 
Holland  should  be  opened  by  the  Post  Office  authorities, 
and  all  goods  consigned  from  America,  which  might  be 
used  by  the  enemy,  should  be  held  in  this  cotmtry. 

As  to  revenge,  though  Field  Marshal  Sir  Evelyn 
Wood  has  said:  "There  is  no  fear  that  our  soldiers 
will  ever  descend  to  reprisals,"  of  what  avail  is  this 
if  another  high  authority,  as  is  reported,  instructs 
British  soldiers  to  keep  from  such  deeds,  as  long  as  they 
remain  in  France  and  Belgium! 

As  in  Germany  there  are  those  who  would  wipe 
out  the  British  Empire  entirely,  so  there  are  those 
here  who  would  wipe  out  the  German  Empire  and 
who  counsel  the  crushing  of  Germany  for  good  and 
all. 

It  is  a  satisfaction  therefore  to  find  this  protest  in 
the  London  Times: 

To  crush  the  Germans  as  a  whole  we  must  either  kill 
them  all  or  occupy  their  countries  permanently.  .  .  .  We 
have  to  draw  the  teeth  of  this  Prussian  monster,  to  humble 
a  military  caste,  and  to  leave  Prussia  herself  at  peace 
with  the  constitution  which  she  has  so  long  sought  in 
vain.  In  these  reasonable  aims  we  shall  sooner  or  later 
have  large  sections  of  the  German  people  with  us,  and  our 
ends  can  then  be  more  quickly  attained.    But  to  kill  or 


THE  ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS  l6l 

everlastingly  to  police  a  nation  of  60  millions  of  people  is 
an  extravagant  proposition,  and  in  war  one  must  aim  at 
what  is  attainable  and  not  the  reverse. 

Especially  fine  is  the  London  Church  Times  with 
regard  to  reprisals: 

The  war  must  not  be  allowed  to  degenerate  into  a  mean- 
ingless struggle  for  mastery.  That  would  be  to  fall  into 
the  worst  faults  of  those  among  our  enemies  who  prepared 
and  forced  on  the  war.  Our  contention  is  the  exact  reverse 
of  their  doctrine  that  force  is  the  main  reality  in  human 
affairs,  and  mastery  the  main  thing  to  be  sought  by  men  or 
by  nations.    We  are  in  the  field  to  resist  that  doctrine. 

A  glimmering  of  the  truth  of  this  seems  to  be  leading 
some  German  minds.  England  has  never  received  a  finer 
compliment  than  was  paid  unconsciously  the  other  day  by 
the  North  German  Gazette  in  the  remark  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  see  what  vital  interests  of  the  British  Empire  made 
it  necessary  for  us  to  go  to  war.  .  .  .  There  were  no  such 
vital  interests  at  stake  as  the  modern  German  philosophy 
understands. 

We  went  to  war,  frankly  and  openly,  for  a  "scrap  of 
paper"  with  our  plighted  word  on  it,  and  for  the  defence 
of  the  weak  against  the  strong.  This  being  our  purpose, 
it  is  right  to  announce  that  we  intend,  God  allowing  it,  to 
go  on  fighting  until  an  effective  lesson  has  been  taught  the 
breaker  of  treaties  and  the  bully  of  nations.  If  it  be 
thought  that  no  lesson  can  be  effective  which  does  not  in- 
volve a  serious  crippling  of  the  enemy's  power,  then  that 
must  be  the  object  in  view.    The  object  may  be  avowed. 

But  the  avowal  should  be  accompanied  by  a  modest 
acknowledgment  that  under  the  providential  ruling  of  the 
world  we  may  have  to  be  content  with  a  less  briUiant 


1 62  THE   WORLD   WAR 

triumph,  and  a  politic  admission  that  a  less  drastic  treat- 
ment may  be  found  sufficient. 

To  meditate  the  gratuitous  humiliation  of  a  great  people 
or  a  mere  demonstration  of  our  own  power  and  glory 
would  be  to  imitate  the  worst  faults  of  our  foes  and  to 
prepare  for  ourselves  that  recoil  of  outraged  feeHng,  which 
in  the  long  run  proved  fatal  to  the  insatiable  ambition  of 
Napoleon. 

Perhaps  the  most  picturesque  diatribe  has  come 
from  Mr.  Frederic  Harrison.  He  writes  thus  to  the 
London  Times: 

Be  it  understood  that  when  the  allies  have  finally 
crushed  this  monstrous  brood,  the  Kaiser — if,  indeed, 
he  chose  to  survive — shall  be  submitted  to  the  degradation 
inflicted  on  poor  Dreyfus.  In  presence  of  allied  troops, 
let  his  bloodstained  sword  be  broken  on  his  craven  back 
and  the  uniform  and  orders  of  which  he  is  so  childishly 
proud  be  stamped  in  the  mJre.  And  if  he  lives  through  it, 
St.  Helena  or  the  Devil's  Island  might  be  his  prison  and  his 
grave. 

To  this  the  London  Spectator  replies: 

We  have  no  objection  to  a  little  rhetoric,  but  here  is  a 
specific  suggestion  for  committing  a  bombastic  and  theatri- 
cal personal  outrage  such  as  our  forefathers,  thank  heaven, 
absolutely  refused  to  allow  in  the  case  of  a  worse  sinner, 
the  Emperor  Napoleon.  Remember,  too,  how,  when 
Bliicher  wanted  to  blow  up  the  Pont  de  Jdna,  and  had 
actually  mined  it  for  the  purpose,  Wellington  baulked  him 
by  putting  a  British  sentry  on  the  bridge  and  daring  him 
to  blow  the  gallant  fellow  into  smithereens.  Again,  re- 
member how  John  Lawrence  met  the  wild  proposals  for 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN   PRESS  1 63 

fantastic  vengeance  made  to  him  during  and  after  the 
Mutiny.  He  would  have  none  of  them  on  any  condition. 
But  if  these  reasons  are  not  suflEicient  for  condemning  Mr. 
Frederic  Harrison's  outburst,  surely  he  might  remember 
that  we  have  not  yet  beaten  the  Kaiser. 

The  main  fact  to  be  borne  in  mind  in  this  country 
is  that  England's  claim  is  the  noble  claim  of  fighting 
the  fight  of  civilization  against  an  excess  of  militarism. 
If  this  is  really  to  be  the  fight  of  civilization  there 
must  be  self-control  shown  in  the  repression  of  any 
desire  for  reprisals.  Indeed,  the  British  Government 
would  be  well  ad\dsed,  I  think,  if  it  instructed  its 
troops  in  the  direction  of  prohibiting  any  acts  of  ini- 
tiative vengeance. 

On  the  other  hand,  both  reportorially  and  editorially 
there  is  often  a  distinct  effort  on  the  part  of  certain 
English  journals  to  give  a  comprehensive  picture, 
not  only  of  the  war  but  of  opinion  about  the  war. 
For  instance,  the  other  day  the  London  Times's 
Washington  correspondent  reported  the  rejoinder  of 
Herr  Dernburg  to  England's  invitation  to  the  United 
States  to  "come  in"  and  get  a  share  of  the  trade  of 
ruined  Germany,  Herr  Dernburg  saying  that  the 
invitation  had  been  made  ''because  Great  Britain, 
with  her  usual  perfidy,  wishes  to  get  the  United  States 
to  take  sides,  so  that  America  will  not  be  able  to  act 
as  mediator,  and  the  war  may  thus  be  prolonged." 


l64  THE   WORLD   WAR 

As  the  correspondent  frankly  admits,  "Herr  Dernburg 
has  cleverly  availed  himself  of  the  weak  spot  in 
our  armor.  The  suggestion  that  the  United  States 
should  come  in  and  share  the  commercial  spoils  of 
war  should  never  have  been  made  and  ought  not  to 
be  repeated."  Equally  candid  is  the  Westminster 
Gazette.    It  says: 

Herr  Dernburg  is  decidedly  the  most  clever  of  the  special 
pleaders  for  Germany  in  the  United  States.  He  has  been 
dealing  in  the  New  York  Sun  with  the  suggestion  that 
America  should  share  in  the  process  of  picking  up  the  trade 
lost  to  Germany.  Obviously,  as  he  hints,  there  would  be 
more  trade  to  pick  up  by  the  outsiders  if  the  Allies  were 
defeated.  This  is  a  clever  turning  of  the  tables  upon  a 
suggestion  that  had  been  better  left  unspoken. 

This  same  spirit  of  fairness  also  animates  the  highest 
authorities  in  military  and  civil  life.  Let  us  take  the 
miHtary  first  as  revealed  by  General  Sir  John  French's 
report: 

The  Germans  are  a  formidable  enemy.  Well  trained, 
long  prepared,  and  brave,  their  soldiers  are  carrying  on  the 
contest  with  skill  and  valor.  Nevertheless,  they  are 
fighting  to  win  anyhow,  regardless  of  all  the  rules  of  fair- 
play,  and  there  is  evidence  that  they  do  not  hesitate  at 
anything  in  order  to  gain  victory.  A  large  number  of  the 
tales  of  their  misbehavior  are  e.xaggerations,  and  some  of 
the  stringent  precautions  they  have  taken  to  guard  them- 
gelves  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  areas  traversed  are 


THE   ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  165 

possibly  justifiable  measures  of  war.  But  at  the  same 
time  it  has  been  definitely  established  that  they  have  com- 
mitted atrocities  on  many  occasions,  and  they  have  been 
guilty  of  brutal  conduct. 

In  civil  life,  a  notable  example  of  fairness  was  that 
of  Sir  Edward  Grey's  speech  of  August  3d  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  Though  standing  for  the  policy 
of  rigidly  supporting  Belgian  neutrality,  and  though 
doubtless  surmising  that  it  would  be  used  against 
him  by  the  Labor  Party  (as  it  was),  he  nevertheless 
quoted  Mr.  Gladstone's  elastic  opinion  on  the  sub- 
ject.   Mr,  Gladstone  had  spoken  as  follows: 

I  am  not  able  to  subscribe  to  the  doctrine  of  those  who 
have  held  in  this  House  what  plainly  amounts  to  the 
assertion  that  the  simple  fact  of  the  existence  of  a  guaranty 
is  binding  on  every  party  to  it  irrespectively  altogether  of 
the  particular  position  in  which  it  may  find  itself  at  the 
time  when  the  occasion  for  acting  on  the  guaranty  arises. 
The  great  authorities  upon  foreign  policy  to  whom  I  have 
been  accustomed  to  listen,  such  as  Lord  Aberdeen  and 
Lord  Palmerston,  never  to  my  knowledge  took  that  rigid, 
and  if  I  may  venture  to  say  so,  that  impracticable  view  of 
the  guaranty. 

"Is  there  any  man  who  hears  me,"  exclaimed  Mr. 
Gladstone  in  1870,  "who  does  not  feel  that  if  in  or- 
der to  satisfy  a  greedy  appetite  for  aggrandizement, 
coming  whence  it  may,  Belgium  were  absorbed,  the 
day  that  witnessed  that  absorption  would  hear  the 


1 66  THE   WORLD   WAR 

knell  of  public  right  and  public  law  in  Europe?"    So 
quotes  the  London  Daily  Chronicle  and  adds : 

On  those  words  "public  right"  and  "public  law,"  and 
on  the  ideas  behind  them,  depend  ...  all  the  possibili- 
ties of  any  sort  of  Interna tionahsm.  Erase  them,  and 
there  is  no  bond  left  between  nations  but  the  sword.  They 
are  not  yet  erased;  but  they  have  been  mortally  chal- 
lenged. If  the  challenger  triumphed,  if  the  unoffending 
httle  country  that  has  been  struck  down  by  a  perjured 
blow  were  left  to  bleed  away  and  perish  in  the  dust,  the 
consequences  would  be  no  whit  less  than  those  which 
Mr.  Gladstone  described. 

English  editors  are  sometimes  more  than  fair  to 
their  own  Alhes,  in  the  sense  that  they  hardly  ever 
criticize  any  shortcomings  of  those  Allies.  And  yet 
there  are  occasions  when  "faithful  are  the  wounds 
of  a  friend."  Such  an  occasion  is  the  present  with 
regard  to  Russia,  and  the  London  Nation  is  one  of 
the  few  papers  boldly  to  advise  Russia,  in  her  own 
interest  as  well,  to  range  herself  more  nearly  on  a  par 
with  her  Allies  and  to  do  a  long  needed  service  to 
humanity  and  civiHzation.    The  Nation  says: 

The  news  that  the  Russian  Government  had  formally 
promised  legislation  to  remove  Jewish  disabilities  would 
be  worth  more  to  the  Russian  cause  at  this  moment  than 
a  crushing  victory  over  the  German  armies.  .  .  .  For  the 
behavior  of  any  Christian  people  towards  its  Jews  is  among 
the  most  searching  tests  of  its  civilization.  .  . 

With  regard  to  the  Jews,  the  situation  was  what  it  had 


THE   ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN   PRESS  1 67 

been  ever  since  the  bloody  policy  of  organized  pogroms 
was  abandoned  for  the  dry  terrorism  of  legal  repres- 
sion. .  .  . 

What  the  bureaucracy  has  done  through  this  series  of 
years  has  been  to  tighten  all  the  restrictions  which  weigh 
on  the  Jewish  community,  and  to  narrow  the  few  aper- 
tures by  which  its  more  favored  members  might  struggle 
upwards  to  knowledge  and  well-being.  The  professions 
which  were  open  to  Jews  are  now  virtually  closed.  The 
schools  which  were  grudgingly  open  to  them,  admit  a 
smaller  percentage  and  under  harsher  conditions.  The 
wholesale  expulsions  of  Jewish  residents  from  towns  and 
villages  where  they  used  to  Hve  freely,  have  grown  steadily 
more  frequent  and  more  merciless.  .  .  . 

The  system  by  which  the  great  mass  of  the  Jewish  race 
in  Russia  is  over-crowded  and  exploited  within  a  closely- 
guarded  "Pale"  by  which  the  fortunate  few  outside  it 
are  loaded  with  special  taxes,  by  which  knowledge  is 
denied  to  the  young  and  advancement  to  the  capable, 
while  the  Government  itself  fans  fanaticism  by  the  legend 
of  ritual  murder — that  system  had  seen  no  amehoration 
in  recent  years,  and  on  the  eve  of  the  war  it  was  being 
rather  worsened  than  bettered. 

And  yet  "Russia,  the  Imperialists  of  Petrograd 
proudly  proclaim,  must  have  an  equivalent  voice 
in  the  settlement,"  chronicles  the  Manchester  Labor 
Leader,  and  asks:  "How  do  our  idealists  like  that 
prospect?"  The  Labor  Leader  quotes  the  opinion 
of  an  observer  to  the  effect  that  "The  war  may  last 
three  years — eighteen  months  of  which  would  find 
Russia   and    ourselves   fighting    Germany   and    the 


1 68  THE  WORLD  WAR 

other    eighteen    Germany    and    ourselves    fighting 
Russia!" 

Now,  turning  from  the  attitude  of  English  editors 
toward  Russia,  let  us  observe  their  attitude  towards 
France.  I  may  be  wrong,  but  so  far  as  my  observation 
goes  during  recent  weeks,  the  newspapers,  magazines, 
and  reviews,  published  in  these  isles,  are  apparently 
characterized  by  an  extraordinarily  singular  and 
strange  silence — a  quahty,  in  this  case,  quite  out  of 
harmony,  so  it  seems  to  me,  with  the  traditionally 
typical  English  character  as  we  know  it.  We  have 
generally  assumed  that  character,  from  our  experience 
of  it,  to  be  spontaneously  and  generously  appreciative 
of  a  neighbor's  pluck  and  grit.  In  the  case  of  France, 
the  English  attitude  does  not  seem  to  be,  as  in  the 
case  of  Russia,  the  one  which  hesitates  to  disapprove. 
It  is  still  more  unfortunate  than  that  certainly  un- 
fortunate attitude  for  it  seems  to  be,  alas,  the  attitude 
which  hesitates  to  approve!  Perhaps  many  people 
hereabouts — even  many  editors — still  fancy  that  the 
French  are  a  wholly  superficial,  emotional,  mercurial 
people.  The  old  geography  book  of  our  fathers  in- 
formed us,  I  have  been  told,  that  the  people  inhabiting 
France  were  a  merry  folk,  fond  of  dancing  and  light 
wines!  So  they  are,  God  bless  them,  but  they  are 
something  more.  To  their  Gallic  gayety,  vivacity, 
precision  and  charm,  they  add  qualities  which  in  our 


THE   ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  1 69 

prejudice,  we  may  have  thought  too  exclusively  Teu- 
tonic and  Anglo-Saxon.  What  English  newspaper, 
magazine  or  review  has  shown  a  constant  and  adequate 
recognition  of  these  qualities? — of  the  marvelous  pa- 
tience, poise,  self-restraint,  cheerfulness,  dignity,  which 
have  distinguished  not  only  the  French  people  but  also 
their  Government  and  its  representatives  whether  at 
home  or  abroad.  The  war  has  revealed  nothing  more 
admirable  than  the  real  French !  I  do  not  say  that  the 
English  press  has  left  unnoticed  the  splendid  mani- 
festation of  these  qualities.  I  only  urge  that  the  Eng- 
lish press  has  not  constantly  and  adequately  recog- 
nized them,  as  it  should  have  done  and  doubtless  will 
do.  In  this  connection  it  should  be  mentioned  that 
all  the  English  papers  hope  the  early  reports  of  in- 
human treatment  of  their  foe,  whether  wounded  or 
non-combatant,  may  prove  to  be  unfounded  and  that 
nothing  in  the  demeanor  of  either  the  home  or  colonial 
armed  forces  of  France  will  cloud  the  inspiring  record 
furnished  by  her  people  in  general. 

Yet,  contrary  to  German  opinion,  there  is  little 
tendency  among  British  editors  towards  smug  self- 
righteous  swagger.  When  it  bobs  up  now  and  then  it 
is  apt  to  be  hit  hard.  In  this  connection  the  London 
Church  Times  pays  its  respects  to  a  well-known  and 
efficient  young  statesman.  It  admits  that  he  has 
done  his  work  well.    But  this  makes  the  regret  all  the 


lyo  THE   WORLD   WAR 

greater  for  some   of   the   expressions   in  his  recent 
speeches. 

Insulting  references  to  the  German  Fleet  are  not  needed. 
They  are  more  objectionable  since  the  oflficers  of  that 
Fleet  have,  with  rare  exceptions,  shown  a  spirit  which 
should  shame  their  fellows  of  the  Land  Forces.  The  Eng- 
lish Admiralty  has  once,  at  least,  had  occasion  to  ac- 
knowledge their  courteous  conduct  of  the  war.  .  . 

It  was  deplorable  to  talk  about  "digging  out  the  rats." 
And  seldom  or  never  was  swagger  more  signally  rebuked. 
Even  as  he  spoke,  some  of  the  skulking  rats  of  his  imagina- 
tion were  putting  out  to  sea  for  an  enterprise  of  con- 
spicuous peril.  On  the  day  that  his  speech  was  reported 
we  heard  also  the  result  of  this  high  venture,  mourning 
the  loss  of  three  fine  ships  and  many  priceless  lives.  Let 
us  at  least  respect  the  courage  of  the  men  who  could  strike 
such  a  blow  at  our  immense  preponderance  of  force.  As 
we  brace  ourselves  for  the  stern  prosecution  of  the  struggle 
to  a  victorious  end,  let  us  be  glad  that  some  at  least  of  our 
opponents  are  not  unworthy  of  our  steel,  and  that  in  Ger- 
many there  is  a  nucleus  of  men  whom  in  after  years  we 
may  be  proud  to  count  as  friends. 

In  such  spirit,  the  best  editors  of  England  are  in- 
spiring the  best  men  of  England,  quietly,  resolutely 
to  war. 

English  editors  also  feel  for  themselves  and  their 
readers  that  the  times  demand  great  expression — if 
possible,  poetic  expression.  And  so,  as  never  before, 
they  seem  to  be  throwing  open  their  columns  to  all 
who  can  rhyme — and  to  some  who  cannot!    For,  as 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  171 

that  satisfying  sheet,  the  Manchester  Guardian,  puts 
it,  peoples'  minds  are  forced  to  the  height  and  heat  of 
emotion,  at  which  the  perfectly  fit  poem  or  the  sub- 
ject of  their  emotion  would  come  to  them  with  some- 
thing of  the  power  and  charm  of  a  great  fulfilment  or 
sudden  release.  And  yet,  as  the  Guardian  adds,  "the 
very  heat  that  makes  us  thirsty  makes  the  streams 
run  dry." 

Finally  as  to  what  is  going  to  happen  after  the  war 
is  over,  English  editorial  opinion  is  summed  up  in  this 
statement  from  the  Liverpool  Post: 

In  the  negotiations  following  the  war  we  shall  be  moved 
by  a  common  impulse — the  establishment  of  a  Europe  on 
the  principle  of  nationality  and  with  a  tender  regard  for 
small  nationalities;  a  Europe  .  .  .  free  from  the  causes 
of  hatred  and  unrest  which  have  poisoned  the  comity  of 
nations  and  ruptured  the  peace  of  Christendom. 

II.  The  German  Press 
[London,  gth  October,  1914] 

The  German  newspapers  are  interesting  reading. 
A  careful  perusal  of  them  may  clear  away  possible 
prejudices. 

The  first  prejudice  is  that  the  German  Press  is 
muzzled.  Now  no  one  could  have  become  acquainted 
with  the  South  German  Press  in  particular,  recently; 
no  one  could  have  glanced  at  the  illustrated  pages 


172  THE   WORLD   WAR 

of  Simplicissimus  or  Jugend,  for  instance,  without 
realizing  that  these  papers  were  anything  but  muzzled. 
Indeed,  they  seemed  to  enjoy  a  greater  license  than 
would  be  allowed  in  other  countries.  One  thinks 
especially  of  that  cartoon,  summing  up  the  Zabern 
incident,  in  which  an  enormous  Germania,  depicted 
as  she  is  on  the  Niederwald  monument,  is  shown 
weeping,  and,  in  the  corner,  is  seen  the  cause  of  her 
tears,  the  arrogant  Httle  figure  of  a  Prussian  heuten- 
ant  defying  her — that  is  defying  the  nation,  the  Ger- 
man people ! 

So  think  the  South  Germans  concerning  any  brutal 
excess  of  militarism  as  born  in  East  Prussia  and  shown 
in  Alsace-Lorraine.  When  the  EngHsh  papers  unan- 
imously declare,  as  they  do,  that  force  is  the  main 
thing  with  Germany,  first,  last,  and  all  the  time,  they 
might  well  make  a  distinction  as  to  whether  this  is  the 
opinion  of  military  extremists  or  whether  it  is  the 
opinion  of  all  the  people.  The  persons  temporarily 
*'on  top"  should  not  mislead  the  world's  opinion  as 
to  the  real  basic  sentiments  of  the  Teutonic  race. 

Indeed  there  seems  to  be  an  increasing  appreciation 
by  the  German  Press  of  the  distinction  to  be  made 
between  the  Government  and  the  people,  in  speaking 
of  their  own  or  of  any  country.  For  instance,  when 
we  talk  about  Russia  we  always  have  to  define  whether 
our  "Russia"  means  the  Russian  Government  or  the 


THE   ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS  1 73 

Russian  people,  whether  it  means  an  oppressive  au- 
tocracy or  a  furtively  aspiring  democracy.  So  now  in 
Germany,  although  in  a  far  less  degree,  of  course. 
The  newspapers,  it  is  true,  as  soon  as  war  began, 
"lined  up"  behind  their  Government's  decisions, 
though  the  day  before  they  might  have  been  as 
fault-finding  as  are  generally  the  Berlin  Vorw&rts  or 
Zukunft.  Speaking  of  Die  Zukunft,  its  editor,  Herr 
Maximilian  Harden,  said  some  time  ago  as  reported 
here: 

You  must  never  believe  that  Germany  will  attack  any 
neutral  country.  No  Power  is  more  interested  than  Ger- 
many in  respecting  integrity  treaties. 

Would  that  Herr  Harden's  "Germany"  meant  the 
Government  as  well  as  the  people ! 

There  is  another  prejudice  against  the  German 
Press,  namely,  that  the  N orddeiitsche  AUgemeine 
Zeitung,  a  recognized  ofl&cial  Government  organ,  and 
the  Kolnische  Zeitung,  a  semi-ofi&cial  organ,  are,  there- 
fore, dry-as-dust  reading.  Are  they !  In  the  Kolnische 
we  find  the  following  vivacious  bewailment: 

The  sympathy  which  we  showed  towards  the  Boer 
States  during  their  last  war  against  England  has  borne 
evil  fruit.  For  it  repelled  the  English  and  finally  the  Boer 
States,  We  did  not  want  a  conflict  yet  wove  the  first 
strands  of  one;  we  wanted  to  please  both  parties  and 
pleased  neither.  The  Boers  accepted  our  friendliness  and 
were  resentful  against  us  when  their  foremost  statesman, 


174  THE    WORLD    WAR 

on  coming  to  Germany,  was  not  received  by  the  Emperor, 
though  he  had  been  warned  in  advance  that  he  was  asking 
something  impossible  and  had  been  given  a  hint  to  avoid 
Berlin.  England  resented  our  attitude  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  though  later  we  were  the  Power  that  dis- 
solved the  Franco-Russian  coalition  against  her.  Owing 
to  our  refusal  to  join,  the  attack  planned  against  Eng- 
land, which  was  then  so  grievously  embarrassed,  came 
to  nothing. 

The  only  consolation  the  Kdlnische  can  now  find 
is  in  the  thought  that  "the  danger  threatening  the 
gigantic  British  Empire  through  its  vast  extent  and 
great  distances"  is  as  potent  as  ever,  and  will  be 
doubled  in  the  event  of  England's  defeat  in  the  present 
war. 

The  war  has  brought  out  one  main  defect  of  the 
German  Press — its  strange  lack  of  poUtical  acumen. 
This,  after  all,  is  not  so  surprising  as  it  may  seem  at 
first;  we  do  not  always  remember  that  German  edi- 
tors have  not  had  the  advantage  of  the  practical  par- 
liamentary training  which  obtains  in  a  country  where 
the  Cabinet  is  responsible  to  the  legislative  and  not 
merely  to  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government. 
No  matter  how  minute  the  individual  training  of 
German  editors,  of  what  avail  is  it  if  they  have  not 
political  prescience  and,  above  all,  if  they  cannot  read 
human  nature? 

And  yet  they  seemed,  one  and  all,  to  be  so  im- 


THE  ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS      1 75 

pressed  with  the  fact  that  Austria,  and  Germany 
after  her,  had  timed  their  war  declarations  so  as  to 
surprise  Russia,  France  and  England  at  embarrassing 
moments  as  not  to  realize  that  one  cannot  reckon 
without  a  basic  factor — common  sense. 

For  instance,  the  editors  made  much  of  the  con- 
tinual fratricidal  feud  between  the  Russians  and  the 
Poles  and  also  of  the  fact  that  Russia  just  then  was 
enduring  at  St.  Petersburg  an  enormous  Labor  strike, 
which  had  even  compromised  the  Imperial  Police 
power;  they  did  not  grasp  that  internal  disorders  are 
sometimes  lost  sight  of  in  the  fear  of  external  peril. 

Again,  they  made  much  of  the  fact  that  France 
was  still  in  the  midst  of  the  Caillaux  excitement,  for 
the  trial  had  indeed  ended  in  a  travesty  of  justice. 
They  made  much  of  the  fact  that  M.  Humbert  in 
the  Senate  had  just  revealed  French  unpreparedness 
for  war,  owing  to  defects  in  the  Army  and  the  lack  of 
ammunition.  They  made  much  of  the  fact  that  the 
President  and  Premier  of  France  were  far  away  from 
Paris  in  St.  Petersburg  on  a  visit  to  the  Tsar. 

But  far  more  strikingly  than  either  Russia  or  France, 
they  beheved  Great  Britain  unready  for  war.  Was 
she  not  disunited?  Indeed  had  she  not  generally  been 
disunited  in  face  of  war?  Had  not  history  shown  this? 
How  about  the  Romanists  in  England  who  would  have 
welcomed  the  victory  of  Philip  of  Spain  and  the  Faith 


176  THE   WORLD  WAR 

he  stood  for  as  against  Queen  Elizabeth?  How  about 
those  who,  when  England  was  fighting  Louis  XIV.  in 
his  attempt  to  tyrannize  Europe,  favored  him  because 
he  would  protect  the  Stuart  exiles?  How  about  those 
statesmen  who  opposed  the  British  Government's 
struggle  against  Napoleon?  How  about  those  who 
opposed  the  Crimean  War?  And  how  about  those 
who  opposed  the  Boer  War? 

The  next  miscalculation  of  German  editors  had  to 
do  with  the  British  Empire.  There  is  something 
always  wrong  with  the  Empire,  if  we  may  believe 
those  Britons  not  ''in  the  saddle."  They  always  love 
to  berate  the  Government  in  power.  And  their  par- 
ticular method  of  attack  is  generally  to  declare  the 
Empire  doomed,  simply  because  an  unreasonable 
party  is  in  control!  With  strenuous  assertions  and 
protestations  of  this  sort  made  every  day  by  the 
Opposition,  it  is  no  wonder  that  foreigners  are  de- 
ceived. The  Germans,  in  particular,  began  to  think 
that  this  party  grumbling  meant  a  real  disintegration 
and  that,  after  all,  the  British  Empire  might  be  only 
a  mass  of  unrelated  atoms. 

Now  the  German  mind  is  pre-eminently  orderly  and 
painstaking  and  its  scholarship  is  the  best  in  the 
world.  But  scholarship  does  not  mean  merely  a 
collecting  of  facts.  It  means  an  interpretation  of 
them  in  the  light  of  history  and  psychology.     One 


THE  ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS  177 

must  look  beyond  the  facts.  And  this  is  just  where 
the  Germans  made  their  mistake.  They  did  not 
realize  that  sometimes  sharp  differences  in  home 
politics  may  make  for  the  strong  unity  in  foreign 
politics. 

Hence,  the  very  corner  stone  of  their  conviction 
with  regard  to  British  disintegration,  namely  Ireland, 
proved  the  greatest  surprise.  Why,  was  not  England 
on  the  verge  of  an  armed  conflict  in  Ireland?  It  cer- 
tainly looked  Hke  it,  ail  must  allow.  Yet  what  hap- 
pened when  the  foreign  peril  threatened?  Ulster- 
men  and  Nationalists  called  a  truce.  Ulster  quickly 
rallied  to  the  support  of  the  Empire.  The  other  parts 
of  Ireland  gave  signs  of  following  though  they  hung 
back  until  the  Home  Rule  Bill  was  passed;  (until  then 
Ireland  was  far  behind  the  other  parts  of  the  United 
Kingdom  in  recruiting,  her  percentage  being,  as  re- 
ported by  the  press,  .93  as  opposed  to  1.94  for  Wales, 
2.41  for  England  and  2.79  for  Scotland).  But  now 
that  the  Home  Rule  is  on  the  Statute  Book  and  satis- 
fies the  majority  of  Irish,  Nationalist  Ireland  alone 
expects  to  raise  100,000  soldiers  for  the  righting  of 
Belgium's  wrongs — for  Belgium,  a  nation  both  small 
and  Catholic,  appeals  strongly  to  the  imagination 
of  Catholic  Ireland. 

Again,  the  German  papers  prophesied  that  an  out- 
break of  war  would  plunge  India  into  rebellion.    But 


178  THE  WORLD  WAR 

what  happened?  The  Indian  Rajahs  remamed  finely 
loyal.  The  Empire  called  on  India  for  40,000  men. 
It  is  getting  70,000. 

The  German  papers  were  also  sure  that  the  war 
would  give  the  great  British  self-governing  dominions 
the  opportunity  for  which  they  are  supposed  to  have 
been  yearning,  to  cast  off  their  allegiance  to  the 
motherland.  But  what  has  happened?  Not  only 
have  Canada,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South 
Africa  reaffirmed  their  loyalty;  they  have  pledged 
their  resources,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  to  England's 
defence ! 

Then  came  other  miscalculations.  They  had  to  do 
with  the  British  army.  It  was  small  and  contempti- 
ble! Why,  it  still  persisted  in  keeping  the  old,  out- 
worn voluntary  system.  The  English  army  merely 
meant  mercenaries.  The  other  day  a  writer  in  the 
Berlin  Vossische  Zeitung  claimed: 

In  England  the  morality  of  private  and  of  public  life  is 
utilitarianism.  "Let  each  man  do  what  is  of  profit  to  him- 
self"; this  principle  justifies  the  basest  egotism  towards 
other  nations,  and  the  standard  of  value  is  the  common 
medium  of  exchange — money.  What  costs  more  is  the 
nobler  possession. 

Thus  Lord  Kitchener  raises  the  pay  of  the  English 
mercenary  army  in  order  to  increase  their  patriotism. 
Mercenary  troops  are  unknown  to  us  and  we  do  not  carry 
on  this  war  as  a  business  transaction.    We  do  not  want  to 


THE  ENGLISH  AND  GERMAN  PRESS      1 79 

drive  any  competitor  from  the  field  but  to  defend  our- 
selves from  an  attack. 

Surely  the  British  soldiers  do  not  merit  the  disdain 
expressed  by  German  newspapers.  Despite  the  mani- 
fest shortcomings  of  the  voluntary  system,  British 
soldiers  have  shown  themselves  unmercenary  in  spirit. 
If  not  the  most  numerous  and  the  best  organized  and 
the  best  disciplined  they  are  inferior  to  none  in  the 
essential  qualities  of  coolness,  poise,  courage,  cheerful- 
ness and  civilization. 

But  even  if  she  had  a  good  mihtary  system,  add 
some  German  editors,  what  can  you  expect?  The 
Britons,  they  allege,  have  become  decadent;  one  has 
but  to  see  the  submerged  tenth  in  Whitechapel  and 
to  hear  about  the  upper  ten  to  be  convinced  of 
that! 

Now  it  is  true  that  dissipation  here  is  more  manifest 
than  in  Germany.  But  to  say  that  the  British  na- 
tion, as  a  whole,  is  decadent  is  absurdly  to  misjudge 
the  people  of  these  Isles.  One  need  waste  no  time  on 
that  charge. 

Then  there  was  another  miscalculation.  It  was 
found  in  the  iteration  and  reiteration  throughout 
Germany  that  ''Belgium  is  merely  a  pretext:  England 
is  entering  on  the  war  for  purely  commercial  reasons, 
as  befits  a  nation  of  shopkeepers."  Says  the  Berlin 
Vossische  Zeitung — good  old  "Tante  Voss" — 


l80  THE  WORLD   WAR 

We  do  not  carry  on  this  war  as  a  business  transaction. 
We  do  not  want  to  drive  any  competitor  from  the  field  but 
to  defend  ourselves  from  an  attack. 

The  Germans  are  now  revising  this  widespread 
error  as  to  the  main  English  motive. 

The  war  has  been  disgraced  by  awful  atrocities, 
whether  committed  by  Belgians  or  by  Germans. 
First  we  heard  about  the  Belgian.  The  German 
papers  printed  details  of  outrages  to  the  German 
wounded  which  one  could  not  read  without  putting 
down  the  paper  and  turning  one's  head  away  in  de- 
spair, that  such  could  be  possible.  But  then  came 
other  and  more  dreadful  and  more  inexcusable  atroci- 
ties alleged  to  have  been  committed  by  German  sol- 
diers. Concerning  those  at  Louvain,  has  the  Frank- 
furter Zeitung  nothing  more  to  the  point  to  say  than 
this? 

The  necessity  to  burn  down  certain  groups  of  houses 
from  which  collective  shooting  had  come  resulted  in  more 
damage  than  was  meant.  The  first  news  of  this  damage 
came  during  the  terrible  night  of  trial  for  Louvain,  when 
it  was  impossible  to  measure  the  catastrophe  properly. 
This  was  responsible  for  the  error  by  which  our  whole 
Army  has  suffered.  We  confess  that  we  regret  these  events 
most  deeply. 

One  characteristic  specially  distinguishes  the  Ger- 
man press.  It  is  a  natural  characteristic,  for  Ger- 
many is  just  now  surrounded  by  foes.     It  is  this. 


THE   ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  l8l 

Nothing  like  the  war  of  19 14  ever  happened  to  obsess 
the  minds  of  reporters  and  editors  alike.  No  matter 
what  subject  they  touch  upon,  there  is  generally- 
some  reference  to  the  war  and  nine-tenths  of  the 
subjects  they  treat  have  to  do  directly  with  the  war. 
The  war  crowds  all  other  events  aside  and  away  to  one 
side.  Indeed,  the  very  brains  of  German  reporters 
and  editors  seem  to  have  become  mere  war  maps  and 
all  their  natural  impulses  changed  to  artificial  im- 
pulses for  marches,  skirmishes,  attacks,  counter  at- 
tacks, charges,  battles,  defeats,  victories,  sudden 
death.  War  penetrates  into  every  mental  nook  and 
cranny  of  reporters  and  editors  until  it  seems  as  if 
they  had  quite  succumbed  to  the  stimulation  of 
thinking  and  dreaming  and  talking  and  writing  of 
nothing  but  war,  war,  war. 

No  ordinary  events  afford  sufficient  mental  food; 
the  daily  ration  of  reporters  and  editors  has  now  be- 
come so  changed  that,  if  they  do  not  get  the  particu- 
lar mixture  which  makes  the  particular  material  they 
want,  they  become — and  their  papers  in  consequence 
— querulous,  hable  to  make  strangely  sweeping  state- 
ments and  to  go  off  at  a  tangent.  Even  the  best 
papers  may  be  found  using  such  language  as  this  from 
the  Frankfurter  Zeihmg: 

Portugal  has  long  been  dependent  upon  England — as 
dependent  as  a  vassal  State,  and,  if  England  desires 


152  THE  WORLD  WAR 

and   orders   it,    the    Republic   will   join   our   numerous 
enemies. 

In  general,  however,  such  organs  of  public  opinion 
as  the  Norddeutsche,  the  Kolnische  and  the  Frankfurter 
Zeitung  have  been  marked  by  much  that  is  worth 
reading  because  set  forth  with  a  generally  unruffled 
mind  and  nerve,  with  good  temper  and  balance. 

If  we  find  fault  with  its  political  opinions,  we  must, 
nevertheless,  acknowledge  the  attractive  candor  of 
the  German  press  in  the  presence  of  proven  fact. 
This  has  just  been  strikingly  shown  both  with  regard 
to  Germany's  military  and  with  regard  to  her  eco- 
nomic position. 

As  to  the  first,  the  Berhn  Vdrwarts  frankly  says: 

Although  after  a  month  of  war  the  position  of  the  Ger- 
man armies  is  better  than  one  could  have  dared  to  hope, 
it  must  not  be  supposed  that  what  is  to  come  will  be  child's 
play. 

The  English  Fleet  is  still  unweakened  and  the  fighting 
off  Heligoland  has  shown  that  it  seeks  to  attack. 

In  the  east  the  enemy's  troops  are  still  on  German  soil. 
But  one  knows  how  slow  the  Russian  mobilization  is,  and 
what  masses  of  troops  the  Russians  can  still  bring  up. 
One  knows  also  the  difficulties  which  would  arise  if  it 
should  be  necessary  to  fight  on  Russian  soil. 

The  formation  of  the  new  French  Ministry,  and  the 
proclamation  which  it  has  issued,  show  that  the  war  is 
more  than  ever  a  war  of  the  whole  people,  and  that  it  is 
thoroughly  recognized  that  the  national  existence  is  at 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN   PRESS  183 

stake.     History  teaches  what  a  tremendous  force  that 
gives. 

An  equal  candor  characterizes  the  treatment  of 
economic  conditions  by  the  German  papers. 

As  to  unemployment,  about  one  in  three  or  four 
workmen  were  called  to  the  colors  before  September  i. 
Since  then  the  Reserves,  the  Landwehr  and  Land- 
sturm,  have  been  called  up.  And  yet,  paradoxically, 
there  is  unemployment  among  those  left  behind! 
This  is  largely  because  you  cannot  replace  skilled 
labor  by  unskilled. 

Moreover  some  sixteen  million  dependents,  mainly 
women  and  children  of  course,  have  been  left  without 
their  breadwinners.  They  must  be  supported.  The 
Government  makes  grants  of  aid,  it  is  true,  but  these 
grants  are  insufficient.  Though  it  is  a  mihtarist 
organ,  the  Berlin  Kreuz  Zeitung  frankly  calls  this 
"the  internal  danger"  and  adds: 

If  we  do  not  succeed  in  mitigating  the  consequences  of 
this  unemployment  among  the  masses  of  the  people,  and 
saving  those  who  have  not  gone  to  the  front  from  the 
terrors  of  starvation,  this  will  be  of  no  less  far-reaching 
importance  than  the  defeat  of  our  army.  We  have  by  the 
help  of  public  means  taken  up  the  fight  against  the  spectre 
of  unemployment.  But  the  result  hitherto  has  been  very 
poor.  This  is  the  most  vulnerable  point  which  we  see  at 
the  end  of  the  first  month  of  the  war. 


184  THE   WORLD  WAR 

Then  there  is  the  question  of  raw  materials.  Though 
the  Berliner  Tagehlatt  thinks  that  there  will  be  enough, 
we  find  this  candid  opinion  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung: 

It  is  true  that  we  have  sufl&cient  bread  and  meat  for 
food,  but  the  danger  is  that,  through  the  absence  of  raw 
material  which  comes  to  us  from  abroad,  our  factories  may 
be  compelled  to  shut  down  very  soon. 

In  the  same  spirit,  the  Berhn  VorwcLrts  says: 

It  is  wise  not  to  underrate  the  danger  of  the  war  lasting 
a  long  time.  With  regard  to  food,  one  or  two  years  do  not 
matter,  but  the  supply  of  raw  materials  for  our  industry 
is  not  a  thing  to  be  regarded  lightly.  Germany  needs  an 
enormous  import  of  wool,  cotton,  silk,  flax,  timber,  oil, 
copper,  lead,  zinc,  leather,  and  rubber  if  a  great  part  of 
the  country's  factories  are  not  to  stand  still.  The  EngHsh 
have  not  dared  to  blockade  our  harbors  for  fear  of  our 
mines,  torpedo-boats,  and  submarines.  But  the  interna- 
tional law  of  maritime  warfare  gives  them  other  means  of 
cutting  off  our  imports. 

Then  there  is  the  question  of  neutral  trade.  The 
Berliner  Zeitung  declares  that  this  situation  is  very 
serious,  but  that  ''trade  with  the  neutral  countries 
must  be  maintained  as  soon  as  the  transport  is  re- 
opened." 

Thus  the  amount  of  available  labor  is  considerably 
reduced,  available  raw  materials  will  probably  not  be 
sufficient  for  a  long  time  and  the  future  of  neutral 
trade  is  more  or  less  doubtful. 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN  PRESS  1 85 

On  the  other  hand,  as  the  Berlin  Vossische  Zeitung 
reminds  us: 

Germany  has  had  a  remarkably  good  harvest,  so  that 
on  the  whole  the  purchasing  power  of  the  agricultural  in- 
dustry is  relatively  big.  The  same  appHes  to  industries 
which  supply  the  needs  of  the  Army  and  other  public  pur- 
poses. The  problem  is  to  use  this  purchasing  power  in  such 
a  way  as  to  revive  all  those  branches  which  supply  the 
needs  of  the  above-mentioned  industries.  The  question  is 
how  to  build  around  the  sound  kernel. 

Economically,  the  EngHsh  hope  to  defeat  the  Ger- 
mans, claim  the  latter,  in  order  to  rule  the  world's 
markets.  On  this  subject  the  Kolnische  Zeitung  re- 
marks : 

That  is  the  basic  motive  for  which  the  Russian  and 
French  Armies  are  fighting.  Day  by  day  every  English 
newspaper  is  giving  some  expression  to  this  thought.  They 
are  announcing  with  triumph  that  Germany  will  lose  this 
or  that  market  and  that  it  will  fall  to  the  English.  To  this 
end  large  organizations  have  been  created  to  help  on  the 
good  work,  before  other  countries,  especially  the  United 
States,  are  successful  in  getting  ahead  of  England. 

A  recent  article  in  the  London  Times  moves  the 
Kdlnische  to  the  following: 

The  Times  hopes  that  disaster  to  Germany  will  last  not 
necessarily  six  months  or  a  year  but  as  long  as  is  required 
to  force  Germany  to  give  up  those  departments  of  trade 
in  which  she  has  had  success. 

Now  one  may  well  doubt  whether  the  Times's  frank- 


1 86  THE   WORLD   WAR 

ness  .  .  .  will  be  taken  with  particular  favor  in 
France.  .  .  .  For  Germany's  fate  would  be  France's  for 
even  more  than  Germany,  French  industry  is  suffer- 
ing. .  .  . 

England  is  proceeding  with  a  moratorium;  she  cannot 
pay  her  debts.  The  proud  Bank  of  England  must  be  helped 
by  the  Government.  .  .  . 

The  Times  recognizes  "the  German  titanic  energy." 
That  energy  ^vill  find  ways  and  means.  .  .  .  England  can 
rest  assured  that  we  will  conduct  the  economic  war  with 
the  same  decisiveness  as  the  military. 

The  Germans  are  justly  proud  of  the  fact  that  their 
trade  has  long  been  forging  ahead  of  English  trade 
proportionately.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  English 
merchants  work  five  or  six  hours  a  day  for  four  days 
a  week  and  then  are  not  disinclined  to  take  a  three-day 
week-end.  German  merchants,  on  the  other  hand, 
work  ten,  eleven,  twelve  hours  a  day  if  necessary,  for 
six  days  in  the  week,  and  are  ready  to  work  on  the 
seventh  too  if  they  must.  As  England  cannot  beat 
Germany  in  trade,  conclude  the  Germans,  she  is  play- 
ing her  trump  card,  her  Navy,  the  largest  in  the  world. 

Now  the  English  are  a  nation  of  shopkeepers.  In- 
cidentally, that  is  a  thing  to  be  proud  of!  The  shop- 
keepers doubtless  do  get  up  too  late  in  the  morning. 
They  are  paying  the  penalty  for  their  inertness,  since 
the  earlier  rising,  more  economical,  more  scientifically 
educated  and  more  persistent  Germans  have  beaten 
them  in  many  branches  of  business  and  in  many  parts 


THE  ENGLISH  AND   GERMAN   PRESS  187 

of  the  world,  including  the  British  colonies  themselves. 
Doubtless,  too,  after  the  war,  the  Germans  will  win 
back  whatever  they  have  temporarily  lost  in  what- 
ever supremacy  they  have  in  trade  and  transporta- 
tion.   They  may  even  add  to  that  supremacy! 

But,  in  the  policing  of  the  world's  law  and  order  the 
British  Navy  will  also,  I  am  sure,  be  doing  business 
at  the  old  stand! 


XIII 
RUMANIA  AND  ITALY 

[London,  i8th  October,  1914] 

King  Carol  is  dead !  Who  that  ever  saw  him  can 
forget  the  compact,  well-built  figure;  the  pronounced, 
clean-cut  features;  the  clear  gray  eye;  the  modest 
manner,  the  quiet  but  kingly  dignity ! 

He  was  Prince  Charles  of  Hohenzollern,  a  member  of 
the  senior  and  Roman  Catholic  branch  of  that  family. 

He  created  Rumania  as  we  know  it.  In  the  inter- 
ests of  civihzation  the  Powers  in  1866  took  into  their 
own  hands  the  conditions  of  anarchy  prevailing  in 
the  outlying  Turkish  provinces.  The  Powers  chose 
Prince  Chaiies  to  execute  their  mandate.  His  saga- 
cious father,  Prince  Charles  Anthony,  had  trained 
him  for  service  in  that  enviable  region  of  the  Upper 
Danube  where  a  high  state  of  civilization  exists.  The 
Powers  called  the  young  Prince  to  the  region  of  the 
lower  Danube  where  the  condition  of  the  people  was 
wretched,  their  means  of  communication  primitive, 
their  chances  at  education  meagre,  their  financial 
resources  slender,  their  public  affairs  chaotic.  Charles 
had  been  summoned  to  replace  Turkish  pro-consuls 

188 


RUMANIA  AND  ITALY  1 89 

in  governing  the  Danubian  principalities  of  Moldavia 
and  Wallachia.  They  had  been  horribly  misgoverned, 
like  all  the  provinces  over  which  Turkey  was  still 
sovereign. 

Out  of  those  provinces  Charles  developed  the  strong 
Kingdom  of  Rumania.  He  improved  agriculture; 
built  highways  and  railways;  established  schools, 
courts  and  financial  order;  fostered  an  export  trade 
in  grain,  timber  and  petroleum;  defended  his  capital, 
Bukharest,  by  great  forts;  created  an  army  and  made 
it  one  of  the  most  efficient,  proportionately,  in  Europe; 
commanded  the  Rumanian  forces  in  the  Russo- 
Rumanian  war  against  Turkey  (1877);  obtained  in- 
dependence for  his  country  (1878) ;  and,  finally,  (1881), 
was  crowned  King  with  a  steel  crown  made  from  a 
Turkish  gun  captured  by  Rumanian  troops  at  Plevna. 

But  Rumanians  will  never  forget  that  though  Russia 
won  against  Turkey  because  Rumania  helped  her, 
Russia  took  to  herself  at  the  close  of  the  war  the 
Rumanian  half  of  Bessarabia,  giving  to  Rumania  as 
an  offset  the  swampy  Dobrudja  on  the  Danube,  a 
miserable  exchange.  At  that  time  Rumania  was  but 
an  infant  nation.  She  has  since  matured.  She  can 
defend  her  rights  either  in  Russia  or  in  Hungary.  For 
in  Hungary  there  is  an  unreclaimed  Rumania.  In 
Transylvania  and  Bukowina  Kve  over  three  million 
Hungarian  and  Austrian  Rumans. 


igo  THE  WORLD  WAR 

As  a  Hohenzollern  and  German  Prince,  it  was  nat- 
ural for  King  Carol  to  bring  and  keep  Rumania 
within  the  orbit  of  the  Triple  Alliance  of  Germany, 
Austria,  Italy.  But  suppose  his  people  wanted  to 
attack  Austria-Hungary,  a  member  of  that  Alliance, 
so  as  to  free  the  three  million  Rumans  there  and  make 
them  distinctively  Rumanians  by  adding  them  to  the 
co-racial  population  of  Rumania  proper?  The  King 
would  hardly  have  been  so  unpatriotic  or  unwise  as 
to  resist  such  a  national  impulse. 

At  the  same  time,  his  death  may  possibly  be  fol- 
lowed by  some  change  in  the  poHcy  of  neutrality 
adopted  by  Rumania  in  the  present  war.  This  policy 
has  been  of  manifest  advantage  to  Germany  and 
Austria  and  of  disadvantage — though  not  propor- 
tionately so  great — to  the  Powers  of  the  Triple  En- 
tente, Russia,  France  and  England. 

[London,  igth  October,  1914] 

Yesterday  we  heard  of  the  death  of  the  King  of 
Rumania.  To-day  we  hear  of  the  death  of  another 
upholder  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  the  Marquis  di  San 
Giuliano,  the  Italian  Foreign  Minister.  There  is  thus, 
not  only  in  actual  conditions  of  coveted  territory 
across  the  respective  borders,  but  also  in  the  coinci- 
dent deaths  of  two  leaders,  a  strikingly  close  parallel 


RUMANIA  AND   ITALY  191 

between  Rumania  and  Italy  in  the  matter  of  fidelity  to 
the  neutrality  which  both  have  proclaimed. 

As  a  Great  Power  Italy  is  unique.  Geography  and 
history  alike  afford  her  a  position  of  detachment  from 
the  other  Powers.  To  these  advantages  is  now  added 
her  recent  very  notable  progress  in  wealth  and  cul- 
ture. 

Hence,  her  favor  has  naturally  been  sought  by  the 
two  groups  into  which  Europe  has  been  divided. 
Diplomatic  history  reveals  perhaps  no  case  of  political 
wooing,  comprising  more  allurements,  blandishments, 
seductions,  exhortations,  admonitions,  covert  threats, 
finely  spun  intrigues. 

Finally,  thirty-odd  years  ago,  Italy  gave  her  ad- 
herence to  the  Austro- German  group. 

The  Austro- German  group  indeed!  Here  was  a 
surprise  to  many,  even  of  those  who  had  a  close  view 
of  the  diplomatic  deftness  with  which  the  game  had 
been  played  by  both  groups.  For  Germany  and 
Austria  are  Teutonic  Powers.  Italy  is  a  Latin  Power. 
Did  not  the  ItaUan  people  inchne  rather  to  another 
people,  the  French,  of  their  race  than  to  a  people,  the 
German,  of  an  alien  blood?  Did  not  the  ItaHan  nation 
incline  more  to  the  French  nation,  which  came  to  its 
aid  when  it  was  unifying  itself,  than  to  the  Austrian 
nation  which  it  had  fought?  Why  then  this  seemingly 
unnatural  alliance? 


192  THE   WORLD  WAR 

For  two  reasons: 

1.  From  it  Italy  thought  that  she  could  obtain  the 
larger  assurance  of  present  material  security.  She 
would  least  imperil  what  she  had.  She  would  be  able 
the  better  to  economize  in  armaments. 

2.  From  it  Italy  felt  that,  when  the  time  came  for 
a  redistribution  of  territory  on  her  northeast  border, 
she  would  more  certainly  secure  what  she  covets. 

What  is  that?    Italia  Irredenta — unredeemed  Italy. 

First  and  chiefly  the  Trentino — the  region  about 
the  city  of  Trent,  in  which  a  great  Itahan  population 
lives.  Who  can  have  journeyed  northwards  in  Austria 
along  the  Adige  River  from  just  above  Verona  to  just 
below  Bozen;  who  can  have  entered  Austria  from 
Italy  by  the  Tonale  Pass  and  have  proceeded  east- 
ward across  the  Dolomites  to  Italy  again  at  Agordo 
or  Auronzo,  without  feeling  that,  no  matter  how  much 
Austria  has  done  for  the  Trentino,  it  ought  really  to  be 
Italy's.  War  or  no  war,  the  Italians  believe  that  the 
Trentino  will,  in  the  course  of  nature,  one  day  be 
theirs  and  thus  properly  round  out  their  northern 
frontier,  now  interrupted  by  this  triangular  piece  of 
Austria  jutting  into  the  great  peninsula. 

Many  Italians  also  claim  that  Triest  and  the  little 
Istrian  peninsula,  on  the  western  Adriatic  shore,  form 
part  of  Itaha  Irredenta.  But  geographically,  eth- 
nologically  and  historically,  they  are  not  at  all  in  the 


RUMANIA  AND  ITALY  I93 

same  class  of  unredeemed  Italy  as  is  the  Trentino. 
Though  the  Italians  form  the  majority  in  Triest  and 
though  the  whole  district  is  very  largely  Italian  in 
race  and  language,  the  Slav  wave  of  Croats  and 
Slovenes  is  overwhelming  just  behind  them.  More- 
over, Italy  is  bound  to  this  region  by  but  a  fraction 
of  the  historical  ties  which  bind  her  to  the  Trentino. 
As  to  present  commerce  and  military  strategy,  Italy 
does  not  really  need  the  port  of  Triest  to  emphasize 
her  dominance  of  the  Adriatic. 

Then,  farther  afield,  there  is  Dalmatia.  Its  popu- 
lation is  only  slightly  Italian.  Despite  that,  if  the 
Anglo-French  fleet  should  free  any  Dalmatian  ports 
from  Austrian  dominion,  Italy  would  not  willingly 
see  them  pass  to  the  more  feared  Servians.  To  the 
Montenegrin? — that  might  be  another  matter. 

And  then  down  the  coast,  passing  over  always  in- 
dependent Montenegro,  we  come  to  Albania.  Over 
it,  or  a  part  of  it,  certain  impulsive  Italian  jingoes 
have  wished  to  establish  a  protectorate.  But  the 
Conference  of  London  created  it  into  an  independent, 
autonomous  State.  Nor  could  any  settlement,  based 
on  the  principle  of  nationahty,  give  it  to  Italy. 

A  week  before  the  war  began,  the  Italian  Govern- 
ment, we  learn,  informed  the  other  Governments  that 
it  would  be  neutral  in  the  approaching  conflict  be- 
tween the  two  groups. 


194  THE   WORLD  WAR 

At  that  time,  so  some  claimed,  Italy  would  not 
take  up  arms  because  she  had  not  been  sufiSciently 
informed  beforehand  of  Austria's  ultimatum  to  Servia ; 
indeed,  the  London  Spectator  alleges  that  Italy  was 
freed  from  obhgations  to  the  Triple  Alliance  because 
that  clause  of  the  AlHance  Treaty  was  broken  which 
bound  the  partners  to  consult  each  other  before  taking 
steps  involving  war.  The  German  Government,  how- 
ever, declared  that  Italy  and  Germany  had  been 
treated  in  the  same  way. 

The  advantages  to  Germany  and  Austria  of  Italian 
neutraHty  were  evident.  They  led  to  the  assumption 
by  many  observers  that  a  neutral  attitude  on  the  part 
of  Italy  had  long  since  been  agreed  upon  among  the 
three  Powers.  This  assumption  was  confirmed  when 
the  German  Government  hastened  to  declare  in  the 
public  press  that  Italy  had  correctly  interpreted  her 
obligations  towards  the  Triple  Alliance. 

No  wonder,  nevertheless,  that  the  German  and 
Austrian  Governments  took  measures  to  maintain 
Italian  neutraHty.  It  was  more  satisfactory  to  them 
than  anything  else  could  be;  indeed,  it  was  of  vital 
service.    This  for  four  reasons: 

(i)  Its  chief  importance  Ues  in  the  fact  that  Italy 
can  draw  immense  suppHes  from  the  outside  world 
and  send  them  into  these  countries. 

(2)  But  even  were  Germany  and  Austria  provi- 


RUMANIA  AND  ITALY  1 95 

sioned  for  a  decade,  of  what  avail  would  it  be  if  Italy 
entered  the  war  with  them?  Not  a  soldier  or  sailor 
could  Italy  spare,  for  the  whole  strength  of  her  miUtary 
and  marine  forces  would  be  required  to  defend  the 
immense  Italian  coast-line  against  the  English  and 
French,  overwhelming  in  their  combined  power  in  the 
Mediterranean.  Indeed,  Italy  might  have  to  ask  aid 
from  Germany  and  Austria!  Thus,  instead  of  help- 
ing them,  she  might  be  a  burden  to  them. 

(3)  The  French,  suspecting  that,  after  all,  the 
Italian  Government  might  suddenly  side  with  the 
German,  have  kept  a  great  number  of  troops  along 
the  Italian  border;  they  could  not  therefore  be  sent 
into  the  field  against  Germany. 

(4)  Correspondingly,  on  the  Italian  border  facing 
Austria,  the  Austrian  Government,  according  to  its 
own  statement,  has  been  able  to  leave  its  frontier  open 
and  withdraw  its  troops  thence  for  service  in  distant 
Galicia. 

Now  quite  the  contrary  statements  are  made  by 
those  who  interpret  Italy's  neutrality  as  being  of 
benefit  to  the  Triple  Entente. 

In  direct  denial  to  the  foregoing,  France,  they  say, 
has  now  been  able  to  withdraw  from  the  Italian  fron- 
tier a  quarter  of  a  milHon  men,  who  have  now  been 
sent  against  Germany. 

Still  in  direct  denial,  Russia,  they  opine,  would  not 


196  THE  WORLD  WAR 

have  found  it  so  easy  to  triumph  over  Austria  in 
Galicia  if  Austria  had  not  been  compelled  to  keep  a 
large  contingent  of  troops  on  the  Italian  frontier  for 
fear  that,  at  some  sudden  moment,  Italy's  neutrality 
might  be  transformed  into  an  attack  against  her. 

Finally  to  all  this  they  add — and  this  is  indeed 
true — the  faciHty  which  both  England  and  France 
have  enjoyed  in  naval  operations  and  in  transporting 
troops  across  the  Mediterranean,  due  to  the  neutraHty 
of  the  Italian  navy. 

It  is  a  poor  rule  that  does  not  work  both  ways,  and 
there  is  benefit  to  Italy  too  if  we  may  believe — and 
why  should  we  not? — Mr.  Churchill's  propagandist 
article  in  the  Giornale  cf  Italia  of  Rome.  Speaking  of 
England  and  France  he  says: 

We  are  both  great  Mediterranean  Powers.  We  do  not 
seek  expansion.  We  have  got  all  the  territory  that  we 
want.  .  .  .  However  strong  we  are,  I  cannot  see  how 
there  could  be  any  danger  to  Italy. 

Now  Italy's  desires  as  to  expansion  are  known  to 
all  the  world.  It  is  only  natural  then  that  English, 
French  and  Russian  newspapers  should  continually 
harp  on  these  desires  in  their  effort  to  persuade  Italy 
to  abandon  her  neutrality  and  join  them,  thus  seriously 
compromising  German  and  Austrian  military  chances, 
if,  indeed,  the  act  did  not  ensure  victory  to  the  En- 
tente Powers. 


RUMANIA  AND  ITALY  I97 

The  chief  argument  in  this  wooing  seems  to  be 
that  if  these  Powers  did  not  have  Italy's  active  co- 
operation, they  would  naturally  feel  no  claim  to  their 
generosity  established  by  such  aloofness  when  the  time 
comes  for  them  to  rearrange  the  map  of  Europe.  As 
the  Saturday  Review  puts  it:  "It  is  not  conceivable 
that  Italy  would  be  allowed  in  Istria  or  elsewhere  to 
profit  by  the  toil  and  conquest  of  the  Slav  armies." 

While  they  would  not,  they  say,  drag  Italy  into  a 
quarrel  which  is  not  hers,  without  regard  to  her  own 
interests,  yet  even  the  papers  are  drawing  a  parallel 
between  1855  and  1914.  In  1855,  with  scarce  any 
support  but  the  King's  and  Massimo  d'Azeglio's, 
Cavour  summoned  his  countrymen  to  join  France  and 
England  in  attacking  Russia.  "Is  not  Liberal  feel- 
ing," asks  the  London  Times,  "as  strong  and  stronger 
in  its  approval  of  these  Allies  as  it  was  when  Cavour 
summoned  his  countrymen  to  rally  to  it?  .  .  .  We 
have  some  confidence  that  when  Italy  does  act,  it 
will  be  to  tread  again  in  Cavour's  footsteps.  .  .  . 
For  the  two  great  questions  for  Italy  in  the  future 
are  her  position  on  the  Adriatic  and  her  position  in 
the  Mediterranean.  The  war,  and  the  settlement 
after  the  war,  will  affect  both  as  surely  as  the  Crimean 
War  and  the  Congress  of  Paris  affected  the  fate  of 
Lombardy  and  of  the  Peninsula." 

This  argument  is  put  forth  carefully  and   tern- 


198  THE  WORLD  WAR 

perately,  yet  a  still  more  cautious  Government  deemed 
it  prudent  to  issue  the  following  statement  through 
its  Press  Bureau: 

The  views  expressed  in  a  leading  article  in  the  Times 
of  October  3  with  regard  to  Italy  and  Rumania  are  un- 
authorized and  do  not  represent  the  attitude  of  his 
Majesty's  Government. 

What  is  the  sentiment  of  Italy?  The  NationaHsts, 
the  RepubHcans  and  the  Reformist  Socialists  would 
declare  for  the  Entente  Powers.  Do  the  NationaHsts 
remember  that  they  need  to  consider  France  as  Italy's 
greatest  prospective  enemy?  Perhaps  they  correspond 
to  the  Bernhardi  school  in  Germany;  they  seem  to  be 
Real-Poliiiker,  political  realists,  that  is  to  say,  time- 
servers,  those  who  will  take  territorial  gains  where  they 
can.  Just  now  they  think  such  interests  would  be 
furthered  by  an  alliance  with  the  Entente  Powers. 
The  other  two  poHtical  parties,  the  Repubhcan  and 
the  Reformist  SociaHst,  seem  to  be  chiefly  inspired  by 
hatred  of  Austria,  inherited  from  their  great  apostle, 
Mazzini.  On  the  other  hand,  the  SociaHsts  proper, 
as  shown  in  their  Congress  just  held,  preach  neutrahty. 
But  these  Socialists  themselves  fall  into  two  classes, 
those  who  believe  Ln  absolute  and  those  who  beheve 
in  conditional  neutrality.  Their  organ,  the  Avanti,  is 
interesting  reading  these  days  and  their  leaders, 
Ferrari,  Mussolini,  Bissolati,  worth  hearing. 


RUMANIA  AND   ITALY  1 99 

Popular  Liberal  opinion  in  Italy  is  often  reflected 
by  the  well-informed,  wide-spread  and  influential 
Corriere  della  Sera  of  Milan.    It  says: 

If  our  neutrality  satisfies  that  part  of  the  public,  which 
either  cannot  or  will  not  fix  its  gaze  on  the  future,  it  pre- 
occupies and  agitates  all  those  who  realize  that  our  future 
is  being  fought  for  on  the  battle-fields  of  France,  Prussia, 
Galicia,  Bosnia.  The  opposing  hosts  call  to  us,  now  with 
flatteries,  now  with  threats.  We  remain  quiet  at  the  win- 
dow, gazing  at  the  show.  ...  It  offers  us  a  spectacle  of 
such  terrible  slaughter,  of  such  griefs  and  misery,  of  such 
ruin  and  barbarity,  that  our  abstention  seems  to  us  doubly 
precious.  .  .  .  But  what  will  become  of  us  when  the 
arms  are  laid  down,  when  the  combatants  rearrange  the 
map  of  Europe,  when  we  shall  have  to  struggle  alone 
against  the  profound  rancours  raised  by  our  neutrality? 

Many  Liberals  and  Conservatives  maintain  that  the 
triumph  of  England,  France  and  Russia,  no  matter 
how  inspiring  for  popular  rights,  would  mean  the 
triumph  of  those  who  have  been  Italy's  chief  compet- 
itors in  the  Mediterranean  and  who  are  the  protec- 
tors of  the  Slav  power  wliich  Italy  dreads. 

In  addition  there  is  the  feeling  that  to  fight  against 
Germany  and  Austria  would  be,  in  some  sense,  a 
betrayal.  The  other  day  the  CathoUcs,  in  congress  at 
Milan,  declared  that  "an  attitude  of  hostility  towards 
the  States  of  the  Triple  Alliance  and  in  favor  of  those 
of  the  Triple  Entente  would  be,  unless  imposed  by 
insurmountable  necessities  of  national  defence,  an 


200  THE   WORLD    WAR 

attack  on  the  rights  of  nations  equal  to  that  of  the 
violation  of  Belgium."  This  is  putting  it  strong,  but 
it  finds  recognition  here  by  such  organs  as  the  West- 
minster Gazette. 

We,  for  whom  the  breaking  of  a  treaty  by  Germany 
has  been  a  factor  of  such  supreme  importance,  should 
do  well  to  respect  the  sentiment  that  makes  a  large  section 
of  ItaUans  averse  to  making  war  against  former  Allies. 
Neither  by  caresses  nor  by  veiled  threats  should  we  try 
to  lure  the  Italians  to  our  side. 

^^^latever  the  position  of  the  Italian  people,  the 
Government,  like  our  own,  maintains  its  position  of 
neutrahty.  One  of  the  King's  friends  wrote  thus  to 
me  last  week:  "The  Government  is  determined  to 
preserve  its  neutrality  at  all  costs.  It  wiU  not  be 
moved  by  threats  from  one  side  or  flatteries  from  the 
other.  If  it  can  keep  its  military  and  naval  forces 
armed  and  intact,  it  can,  in  the  final  settlement, 
greatly  strengthen  its  moral  position  as  a  neutral 
power  and,  while  legitimately  attending  to  its  own 
interests,  can  more  quickly  assure  justice  and  peace." 


XIV 
TURKEY 

[Liverpool,  20th  October,  1914.] 

The  news  came  to  hand  this  morning  that  Turkey 
is  about  to  enter  the  war  and  that  she  will  be  against 
Russia  and  on  the  side  of  Germany. 

This  news  is  not  unexpected. 

It  is  natural  for  Turkey  to  be  against  Russia.  Is 
not  Russia  her  hereditary  enemy?  Did  not  Peter 
the  Great  say  so? 

Who,  pray,  took  the  old  Turkish  provinces  north 
of  the  Black  Sea  and  made  them  Russian? 

Who  chiejfly  took  the  old  Turkish  provinces  north 
of  the  Danube  and  made  them  Rumanian? 

Who  took  the  provinces  south  of  the  Danube  and 
made  them  Servian  and  Bulgarian? 

And  who  united,  the  Balkan  States  against  Tur- 
key? 

Russia. 

Those  who  eagerly  acclaimed  the  advent  of  the 
Young  Turks  to  power — Enver  Bey,  who  is  now  at- 
tracting great  attention,  being  one  of  them — and 
the   deposition   of   Sultan   Abdul   Hamid   II.,    lost 

201 


202  THE   WORLD  WAR 

heart  when  the  Young  Turk  regime  in  Macedonia 
and  Albania  proved  as  ruthless  as  had  been  its  pred- 
ecessor. 

One  of  the  great  events  of  our  time  was  the  con- 
sequent resolve  by  the  Balkan  States  of  Bulgaria, 
Ser\aa,  Montenegro,  no  longer  to  allow  ancient  jeal- 
ousies to  separate  them,  but  to  unite  to  deliver  the 
misgoverned  provinces. 

In  this  they  had  inspiring  examples — the  example 
of  Greece  herself  when  in  1828  she  won  her  inde- 
pendence; of  Rumania,  when  in  1866  she  was  formed 
out  of  the  provinces  of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia 
and  became  practically  independent;  of  Servia,  be- 
coming so  the  next  year;  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina 
which  in  1874  set  the  whole  Balkans  in  a  flame;  of 
Bulgaria  which,  in  1876  appealed  with  a  mighty 
voice  from  the  Turkish  atrocities  there;  of  Monte- 
negro and  Servia,  which  then  declared  war  against 
Turkey;  of  Rumania,  by  whose  strength  Russia  won 
against  the  Turks;  indeed,  of  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
by  which  Rumania,  Servia  and  Montenegro  were 
made  absolutely  independent  and  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina snatched  from  Turkey  and  put  under  Aus- 
trian administration;  finally  by  Italy,  which  has 
delivered  Tripoli  from  anarchy.  The  one  Turk  who 
emerged  from  the  Tripolitan  War  with  added  fame 
was  Enver  Bey. 


TURKEY  203 

It  is  also  natural,  just  now,  for  Turkey  to  side  with 
Germany  rather  than  with  France  or  England. 

Ever  since  1898,  when  the  German  Emperor  paid 
a  visit  to  Constantinople  and  succeeded  in  getting 
on  a  friendly  footing  with  the  Sultan  and,  particularly, 
ever  since  Germany  indicated  an  expectation  to  found 
in  Asia  Minor  her  greatest  colony,  the  whip  hand 
among  diplomats  at  Constantinople  has  generally 
been  the  German  Ambassador.  This  was  specially 
marked  during  the  term  of  office  of  the  late  Baron 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  of  our  times.  Germany  has  long  practically  held 
Turkey  in  her  grasp. 

Again,  the  Turkish  defeats  of  191 2  could  not  take 
place  without  much  humihation  and  bitterness  on  the 
part  of  the  Sultan's  subjects  throughout  his  Empire. 
It  is  not  generally  known  how  near  the  Arabs  in  Africa 
and  the  Kurds  in  Asia  have  been  to  a  revolt. 

Just  as  this  time  Enver  Bey  gained  renewed  popu- 
larity. Turkey  lay  bleeding  and  dismembered  after 
the  first  Balkan  War.  It  seemed  to  be  to  the  interest 
of  Turkey,  Russia  and  Austria  alike  to  stir  up  mis- 
trust among  the  Balkan  States  lest  they  should  be- 
come a  unified  State  which  would  disturb  the  balance 
of  power  in  Europe.  As  it  happened  the  ruler  of  one 
of  the  Balkan  States,  as  well  as  his  people,  fell  a  prey 
to  ambition.   Hence  it  was  the  easier  to  cause  Bulgaria 


204  THE   WORLD  WAR 

to  fall  out  with  Servia  and  Greece.  The  result  was  the 
second  Balkan  War  (1913)  in  which  a  weakened  Bul- 
garia lay  not  only  at  the  mercy  of  Greece,  Servia  and 
Rumania  but  also  of  Turkey.  And  here  it  was  that 
Enver  made  good  his  daring  promise  to  the  Turks  to 
win  back  from  Bulgaria  for  them  their  holy  city, 
Adrianople.  They  had  captured  it  in  136 1  and  had 
made  it  their  first  capital  in  Europe. 

From  this  time  forth  Enver 's  influence  was  nat- 
urally paramount.  He  had  had  his  military  education 
in  Germany.  He  admired  the  German  training  and 
discipline;  indeed,  the  Turkish  army  had  long  been 
practically  commanded  by  Baron  von  der  Goltz  and 
much  army  equipment  was  ordered  from  Germany. 
All  these  things  have  turned  Turkey  towards  Germany 
rather  than  towards  France  or  England.  Enver  Bey 
is  now  Enver  Pasha. 

Our  interest,  however,  is  not  so  keen  concerning 
immediate  as  it  is  concerning  future  events.  For, 
in  the  event  of  Austro- German  success,  Turkey  may 
dream  of  regaining  Macedonia  and  Albania — par- 
ticularly Albania,  with  its  Mohammedan  population; 
possibly  Tunis,  even  Egypt  itself!  She  may  not 
realize,  however,  that  the  Austrian  desire  to  advance 
to  Salonika  might  interfere.  The  only  Turkish  dream 
that  might  come  true  is  that  an  Austro-German  vic- 
tory would  ensure  the  present  possession  to  her  a 


TURKEY  205 

little  longer  of  all  that  remains  of  Turkey-in- 
Europe. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  success  of  the  Entente 
Powers  would  not  improbably  mean  the  immediate 
end  of  Turkey-in-Europe,  the  abandonment  of  all  the 
JEgean  Islands,  together  with  the  control  of  the  Dar- 
danelles, the  Bosporus  and  finally  of  Constantinople. 

Think  of  Constantinople  no  longer  Turkish  and 
Mohammedan,  as  it  has  been  since  1453,  but  Christian 
and,  if  not  a  free  city,  then  under  either  Slav  or  Greek 
control.  Have  the  Greeks  ever  forgotten  the  old 
adage  that  "When  a  Constantine  marries  a  Sophia, 
they  shall  reign  at  Constantinople?  "  And  a  Constan- 
tine and  a  Sophia  are  now  King  and  Queen  of  Greece! 

There  are  other  events  also  intimately  bound  up 
in  the  present  situation.  With  Turkey  in  the  war, 
will  Greece  remain  out?  Will  Bulgaria?  Will  Ru- 
mania?   Above  all,  will  Italy? 

The  recent  treatment  of  Greek  residents  by  the 
Turks  nearly  brought  Turkey  and  Greece  again  to 
war  as  it  was. 

On  the  other  hand,  Bulgaria  is  smarting  to  regain 
prestige — anywhere . 

Rumania,  as  we  have  seen,  has  her  own  reason  for 
wanting  to  take  advantage  of  the  present  opportunity 
either  as  against  Russia  on  the  one  hand  or  as  against 
Austria-Hungary  on  the  other. 


2o6  THE   WORLD   WAR 

And  Italy,  so  lately  at  war  with  Turkey,  will  find 
it  more  difficult  than  ever  to  maintain  her  neutrality, 
particularly  in  view  of  Pan-Islam  demonstrations 
which  it  is  reported,  the  religious  agents  of  Turkey 
have  been  stirring  up  on  the  Tripolitan  border  with 
their  proclamations  of  a  Jehad  or  Holy  War. 

If  the  action  of  Turkey  therefore  changes  the  atti- 
tude of  some  or  all  of  these  States  from  neutrality  to 
belligerency,  the  scope  of  the  war  will  be  vastly  ex- 
tended. Will  it  follow  that,  because  of  this,  the  war's 
duration  will  be  proportionately  lengthened? 


XV 
AMERICA 

[QuEENSTOWN,  IRELAND,  22d  October,  1914.] 

What  does  the  war  mean  to  us? 

I 

It  means  that  we,  non-belligerents,  should  fulfill  all 
our  duties  towards  belligerents,  if  we  are  partners  to 
the  same  contract. 

For  instance,  our  delegates  and  those  of  other 
Powers  signed  the  Hague  Conventions  or  treaties, 
whose  object  was  to  lessen  the  evils  of  wars.  While 
the  delegates'  signatures  might  have  indicated  that 
their  respective  nations  could  ratify  these  treaties, 
no  legal  obhgation  was  created.  Legal  obligation 
results  only  from  ratification  and  a  country  is  legally 
bound  from  the  date  of  the  deposit  of  ratifications. 

The  Dutch  Government  fixed  a  date  for  their 
deposit.  The  nations  which  had  ratified  their  dele- 
gates' signatures,  deposited  such  ratifications  with 
the  Dutch  Foreign  Minister  at  The  Hague. 

One  of  the  Hague  treaties  provides  that  the  terri- 
tory of  neutral  powers  is  inviolable.^     Yet,   even 

1 1907  Convention  V,  Article  i. 
207 


2o8  THE   WORLD  WAR 

before  war  broke  out  last  summer,  diplomats  every- 
where foresaw  it  would  occur  and  that  there  might 
be  violation  of  neutral  territory. 

We  are  the  most  disinterested  of  the  Powers.  Thus 
any  protest  from  us  has  proportionate  weight.  Our 
State  Department  knows  this.  It  also  knew — or 
should  have  known — of  the  menace  to  neutrality. 
We  have  not  learned,  however,  whether  it  informed 
our  partners  to  this  particular  treaty  that  we  assumed 
they  would  adhere  to  their  promise  but,  nevertheless, 
asked  for  an  assurance,  as  otherwise  we  might  have  to 
act  as  would  seem  wise  in  interpreting  our  own  re- 
sponsibility. We  only  know  that,  in  harmony  with 
the  Hague  treaties,^  our  President  promptly  and 
praiseworthily  offered  our  mediatory  offices  to  the 
Powers. 

War  began.  Germany  violated  the  neutrality  of 
Luxemburg  and  Belgium.  Japan  violated  that  of 
China.  If,  before,  the  law-abiding  should  have 
warned  the  suspects,  should  not  now  the  law-abiding 
have  warned  the  lawless?  Yet  we  have  not  been 
informed  whether  our  Government  did  other  than  to 
allow  certain  of  our  partners  to  break  their  treaty 
without  our  protest. 

Nor  have  we  been  informed  of  any  subsequent 
protest. 

*  1907  Convention  I,  Article  3. 


AMERICA  209 

If  our  Government  did  nothing,  two  things  might 
explain  its  attitude. 

First,  our  delegates  signed  the  Hague  treaties, 
stipulating  that  we  should  not  be  required  to  depart 
from  the  policy  of  not  entangling  ourselves  in  the 
political  questions  of  any  foreign  state.  Technically, 
this  may  seem  to  clear  us.  Our  Government  may 
hold  that  we  have  never  acted  except  in  cases  directly 
affecting  us.  For  example,  so  far  as  the  world  knows, 
we  did  not  protest  when  the  French  overthrew  the 
Sultan  of  Morocco. 

Second,  the  treaty  does  not  apply  unless  all  the 
belligerents  are  parties  to  it.^  England,  Turkey, 
Montenegro  and  Servia  have  not  ratij&ed  it.  There- 
fore, the  treaty  is  not  binding. 

Technically  again,  this  clears  us.  But  does  it 
morally? 

Can  we  escape  moral  responsibility  by  a  mere 
technicality?  We  solemnly  affirmed  the  principle  of 
neutrahty  by  our  delegates'  signatures  and  by  a 
nation's  ratification.  Does  not  that  affirmation  in- 
volve duty  and  responsibility — even  if  our  hands  are 
technically  free? 

From  the  standpoint  of  ethics  then  have  we  not 
missed  a  great  opportunity?  Who  can  estimate  the 
moral  .efifect  awakened  by  an  early  protest  from  us 
*  1907  Convention  V,  Article  20. 


2IO  THE   WORLD   WAR 

against  the  violation  of  neutrality,  especially  such 
neutrahty  as  Belgium's.  It  might  even  have  been 
compelKng. 

Quite  aside  from  any  influence  we  might  have 
had  in  Europe,  we  have  really  been  assailed  on  a 
principle  of  broad  national  polity  in  America.  Under 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  we  protect  a  dozen  weak  Latin 
American  countries  from  aggression.  Our  position  as 
guarantor  should  give  to  us  a  greater  concern  than  has 
any  other  nation  in  protecting  weak  states  from  attack. 

Thus  national  interests  and  international  morals 
aHke  required  a  protest  from  us  last  summer. 

II 

Again,  what  does  the  war  mean  to  us?  It  should 
mean  something  very  definite  as  to  the  atrocities  in- 
volved. 

We  hear  of  atrocities  committed  by  Belgians  on 
wounded  German  soldiers,  thus  violating  the  Geneva 
Convention  to  which  Belgium  was  a  party. ^ 

We  hear  of  atrocities  committed  by  Germans  in 
Belgium  and  France.  Germany  signed  the  Hague 
treaty  concerning  land  warfare  with  the  exception 
of  one  of  its  articles  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
atrocities  in  question.^    Though  Germany  was  bound 

1  The  Red  Cross  Treaty,  1864. 
2 1907  Convention  IV,  Article  44. 


AMERICA  211 

by  the  other  articles,  they  do  not  apply  unless  all  the 
belligerents  are  parties  to  the  treaty.^  And  all  bel- 
ligerents are  not  parties.  Servia,  Montenegro  and 
Turkey  did  not  ratify.  The  other  belligerents  did. 
Hence  the  treaty  binds  none  of  them. 

This  again,  technically.  But,  also  again,  are  the 
other  belligerents  not  bound  morally?  Their  case 
here  is  hke  ours  as  regards  neutrality.  Consider  the 
Hague  prohibition  of  the  bombardment  of  undefended 
towns. ^  For  instance,  why  should  it  not  morally 
apply  to  the  French  aviators  if,  as  rumored,  they 
dropped  a  bomb  into  an  undefended  German  town? 
Should  it  not  have  prevented  the  Germans  from  bom- 
barding undefended  Belgian  towns?  And  should  it 
not  have  prevented  British  airmen,  if  we  may  believe 
a  London  paper,  from  dropping  bombs  on  Bruges  and 
Thielt?  Now  France,  Germany  and  England  ratified 
this  treaty.  Even  if  they  may  disregard  it  technically, 
ought  they  morally  to  disregard  it,  just  because,  for- 
sooth, Servia,  Montenegro  and  Turkey  have  not 
ratified  it? 

The  same  principle  applies  to  the  articles  prohibit- 
ing pillage,'^  the  levying  of  illegal  contributions,"*  of 

^  1907  Convention  IV,  Article  2. 
2 1907  Convention  IV,  Article  25. 
'  1907  Convention  IV,  Articles  28,  47. 
*  1907  Convention  IV,  Article  49. 


212  THE   WORLD   WAR 

collective  penalties  for  individual  acts/  the  demand 
of  goods  or  services  save  for  the  needs  of  the  occupying 
army,^  and  the  prohibition  of  the  damage  to  municipal 
property  or  that  dedicated  to  religion,  charity,  educa- 
tion and  the  arts  and  sciences;  as  well  as  to  historic 
monuments;  ^  finally  the  prohibition  of  mines  in  the 
open  sea.'* 

The  regulations  concerning  land  warfare  were 
agreed  upon  with  the  provision  that  a  belhgerent  who 
violates  them  should  be  liable  to  pay  damages.^ 
Certainly  every  guilty  State  should  pay  indemnity. 
We  have  a  hint  of  this  in  the  following  telUng  phrases 
from  President  Wilson's  reply  to  the  German  Emperor. 

"A  day  of  accounting." 

"Where  wrongs  have  been  committed,  their  conse- 
quences and  the  relative  responsibility  involved  will  be 
assessed." 

"The  opinion  of  mankind"  is  "the  final  arbiter."  ® 

This  should  mean  that,  at  the  proper  time,  we  would 
cause  a  tribunal  of  judges  from  neutral  countries  to 
be  convoked — from  North  and  South  America,  Italy, 
Spain,  Switzerland,  Scandinavia,  Holland — to  weigh 

1 1907  Convention  IV,  Article  50. 
2 1907  Convention  IV,  Article  52. 
'  1907  Convention  IV,  Article  56. 
*  1907  Convention  VIII,  Articles  i,  3. 
^  1907  Convention  IV,  Article  3. 
8  See  Addenda. 


AMERICA  213 

evidence  from  both  sides  as  to  the  alleged  atrocities 
and  to  come  to  such  verdict  as  shall,  as  far  as  possible, 
vindicate  the  authority  of  international  law.  By  such 
a  moral  pronouncement  the  whole  world  would  and 
should  arrive  at  a  just  conclusion  about  matters 
much  disputed  at  present  but  impossible  to  be  ad- 
judged save  by  an  impartial  neutral  tribunal. 

Ill 

A  moral  protest  is  respected  by  moral  nations. 
With  others,  no  protest,  or  even  treaty,  is  worth  the 
paper  it  is  written  on  unless  we  are  ready  to  back  by 
arms  our  word  of  pen. 

Two  British  opinions  on  this  subject  are  worth 
quoting.  One  well-known  statesman  said  to  me: 
"Over-emphasis  on  nationalism  is  an  evil.  It  is  seen 
in  America.  You  talk  too  much  about  Old  Glory. 
You  wave  the  flag  too  much.  You  are  in  general  too 
much  puffed  up  with  your  national  self-importance 
and  your  self-sufficiency.  And  so,  in  particular,  you 
think  you  must  compete  with  the  Powers  of  Europe 
in  point  of  arms.^  You  are  not  Germany,  hemmed  in 
on  all  sides;  she  has  had  to  be  armed  to  the  teeth. 
You  are  independent.  Your  geographical  location 
is  your  security.  No  one  is  going  to  attack  you,  not 
even  the  Japanese.  You  do  not  need,  therefore,  a 
^  See  Addenda. 


214  THE   WORLD  WAR 

large  army  and  navy.  You  need  only  a  few  gunboats 
to  protect  your  citizens  in  some  South  American 
country  which  may  happen  to  be  in  the  throes  of 
revolution.  You  do  not  realize  that  you  are  Hving 
practically  in  a  fireproof  dwelling!" 

Quite  the  contrary  opinion  was  expressed  by  an- 
other English  statesman.  He  said:  "The  Germans 
are  after  us  now.  They  will  be  after  you  next!  We 
had  a  treaty  with  Germany.  How  much  did  it  pro- 
tect us?  How  much  did  it  protect  Belgium?  Was  it  of 
the  shghtesf  use?  Where  would  we  be  if  we  were  not 
in  a  position  to  sweep  the  seas?  Our  Navy  has  always 
made  us  great  and  always  will,  no  matter  how  many 
gallant  deeds  our  little  Army  is  doing.  Be  warned  in 
time.  Make  your  Navy  strong,  too.  You  too  have 
thousands  of  miles  of  coast  to  defend.  You  too  have 
now  oversea  possessions  to  defend.  And  you  always 
have  the  IVIonroe  Doctrine  to  defend.  Make  your 
Army  efficient  too,  not  only  in  numbers  but  in  ammu- 
nition. Have  you  enough  guns?  Who  knows?  But 
you  ought  to  know.    Be  prepared." 

Here  are  two  counsels.  They  come  from  friends  of 
America,  and  from  men  eminent  in  the  work  of  civil- 
ization. The  two  opinions  are  contradictory.  One 
must  be  followed.  Which  is  the  better?  What  is  the 
lesson  for  us? 

The  lesson  for  America  is  to  be  the  just  man  armed. 


AMERICA  215 

We  need  a  strong  navy  as  a  national  insurance 
to  protect  our  coasts  and  our  commerce,  and  to 
fulfil  our  international  obligations.  It  should  act 
as  an  international  police.  Yet  Congress  withholds 
necessary  naval  appropriations  and  sanctions  an  un- 
necessary outlay  on  pensions  and  pubHc  buildings! 

We  may  not  need  a  proportionately  strong  army, 
but  we  do  need  a  more  adequate  army:  First  in  the 
mihtary  training  of  all  the  American  youth — more 
for  an  education  in  obedience,  self-restraint,  endur- 
ance, courage,  than  for  any  possible  use  in  an  exi- 
gency. In  these  respects  let  us  imitate  the  Swiss,  non- 
militaristic  but  ever-ready.  Our  new  and  deservedly 
successful  system  of  army  camps  for  college  students 
points  the  way.  Second,  we  need  a  close  co-operation 
between  our  Federal  forces  and  the  State  militia, 
and  here  additional  legislation  is  necessary.  Third, 
we  need  to  fill  up  the  regiments  of  our  present  army 
to  their  full  quota,  to  place  our  coast  defences  in 
proper  condition,  and  to  establish  an  adequate  supply 
of  arms  and  ammunition.  This  is  not  mihtarism,  un- 
reasonable, brutal,  destructive;  it  is  reasonable,  self- 
respecting  preparedness. 

We  need  to  do  all  this  not  for  miUtary  but  for  civil 
ends  and  by  civil  authority.  We  need  to  do  it  first, 
so  as  to  uphold  our  own  public  law,  for  no  country 
has  ever  fully  protected  the  rights  of  its  own  citizens 


2l6  THE   WORLD  WAR 

which  has  not  prepared  itself  for  possible  defence 
against  foreign  aggression.  But  we  need  also  to  be 
prepared  to  uphold  the  public  international  laws 
which  guard  the  common  life  of  humanity.  To  pro- 
test against  the  violations  of  those  laws  may  even  be 
worth  imperilling  a  nation's  existence! 

IV 

Finally,  the  war  should  clinch  a  greater  international 
fraternity.  The  Europeans  will  take  care  that  they  get 
greater  liberty  and  equality.  Our  part  is  to  empha- 
size the  fraternity — to  stimulate  a  world-patriotism. 

National  diversities  may  seem  decidedly  un- 
fruitful just  now.  But,  like  friendships  among  in- 
dividuals, so  amity  among  States  may  be  the  stronger 
because  founded  on  such  diversities.  However  war 
may  convulse  the  surface,  world-patriotism  means 
the  underlying,  deep-down  unity  and  mutual  need  of 
all  peoples.  We  try  to  express  their  truths  through 
international  law.  Why  not  through  international 
love? 

The  need  is  for  an  age  of  fraternalism,  beginning 
even  now  when  conditions  seem  at  their  worst.  The 
need  is  to  take  these  conditions  of  fear  and  hate  and 
transform  them  into  conditions  of  understanding  and 
trust.  For  the  Germans  are  not  all  militarists;  the 
EngHsh  not  all  hypocrites!    Why  not  make  such  facts 


AMERICA  217 

known?  It  is  our  function  sympathetically,  spirit- 
ually, to  interpret  all  the  warring  nations  to  one  an- 
other. It  is  our  privilege  to  be  the  intensive  Something 
meant  by  Christ  when  He  gave  to  the  world  two  new 
commandments. 

Whether  or  not  we  Americans  grasp  this  particular 
opportunity  of  service,  the  world  is  becoming  one 
great  family.  The  war  may  lead  us  to  the  contrary 
conclusion.  It  is  indeed  revealing  psychological 
dififerences.  But  it  is  also  reveaUng  likenesses  and 
sympathies.  And  these  belong  to  no  one  nation  or 
group  of  nations,  but  to  all  mankind. 

If  we  are  members  of  the  family  of  nations,  let  us 
act  as  if  we  were.    To  recapitulate : 

1.  We  must  be  ready  to  utilize  whatever  influence 
or  power  we  have  in  upholding  treaty  obligations. 

2.  We  must  emphasize  the  value  of  neutral  tribu- 
nals. 

3.  We  must  be  the  just  man  armed. 

4.  We  must  interpret  the  nations  to  one  another. 


XVI 
AFTER  THE  WAR 

[S.  S.  Cedric,  soth  October,  191 4] 

The  war  is  nearly  three  months  old.  Under  condi- 
tions as  they  actually  were  each  nation  engaged  may 
have  at  first  acted  rightly  from  its  own  standpoint. 
But  certain  causes  of  the  war  stand  out  ever  clearer. 

When  one  thinks  of  immediate  causes,  one  is  of 
course  convinced  that  even  these — let  alone  ultimate 
causes — can  hardly  be  brought  out  at  the  present 
time  in  true  perspective.  Hence  a  consequent  diffi- 
culty in  weighing  and  placing  responsibihty.  Yet 
White  Papers  and  White,  Orange,  Blue  and  Grey 
Books  reveal  much. 

In  their  light  we  think,  first  of  all,  of  Servia.  The 
first  immediate  cause  of  the  European  conflagration 
appears  to  be  traceable  to  the  Servian  Government. 
In  its  own  statement  it  admits  that  it  had  not  kept 
its  promise  to  live  "in  good,  neighborly  relations" 
with  Austria.  And,  during  the  weeks  following  the 
Sarajevo  murder,  there  was  no  indication,  so  far  as  I 
know,  of  any  neighborly  co-operation  in  investigating 
that  murder,  even  if  Servia  did  comply  later  to  an 

218 


AFTER   THE   WAR  219 

unexpected  degree  with  Austria's  further  demands, 
doing  more,  indeed,  than  most  Slavs  would  counte- 
nance. 

But  Austria,  I  think,  was  a  more  efficient  cause  of 
the  conflagration  and  far  more  to  blame,  both  because 
higher  in  the  scale  of  civilization  and  because  holding 
a  more  delicate  balance  as  regards  the  peace  of  Europe. 
She  had,  it  is  true,  received  long  and  extreme  provo- 
cation from  Servia.  Yet  the  nature  of  Austria's 
final  demands  was  unprecedented  and  her  manner 
peremptory.  She  acted  as  if  any  Balkan  question 
were  a  particular  question  between  two  nations;  as  a 
matter  of  fact  it  is  always  a  European  question.  She 
surely  knew  that  she  could  not  press  Servia  too  far 
without  arousing  resentment  throughout  Russia. 
She  surely  knew  that  this  would  probably  drive  the 
Russian  Government  to  arms.  But  Austria  would  not 
give  a  reasonable  respite.  Her  hasty  declaration  of 
war,  it  seems  to  me,  is  more  to  be  condemned  than  the 
assassination  which  preceded  it.  Thus  Austria  lit 
the  match  for  the  present  conflagration. 

As  to  Russia,  who  would  defend  her  alleged  double 
deahngs  in  giving  the  world  to  understand  that  she 
was  only  partially  mobilizing  when  she  was  com- 
pletely mobilizing?  Certainly,  from  the  standpoint 
of  expedient  miUtary  strategy,  any  crossing  of  the 
German  border  would  seem  to  constitute  provocation 


220  THE   WORLD   WAR 

for  the  German  declaration  of  war.  If,  before  that 
declaration,  Russia  did  cross  the  frontier  in  several 
places  and  commit  deeds  of  war  in  Germany,  she  is 
also  certainly  accountable  for  the  European  conflagra- 
tion. 

As  to  Germany,  she  erred,  in  my  opinion,  in  sup- 
porting all  of  the  clauses  in  the  Austrian  ultimatum 
and  in  demanding  an  immediate  acquiescence.  While 
she  has  been  blamed  for  declining  Sir  Edward  Grey's 
proposal  for  a  Four-power  conference,  she  may  have 
had  good  reason  to  deem  it  "stacked"  in  advance! 
Be  this  as  it  may,  she  made  a  critical  mistake  when, 
like  Austria,  she  acted  hastily;  that  is,  when  she  de- 
clared war  on  Russia  without  waiting  to  see  what 
would  be  the  moral  effect  of  her  own  mobilization  or 
whether  the  renewed  Russo-Austrian  parleying  might 
not  lead  to  something  tangible.  Finally,  German 
violation  of  Belgian  neutrality  had  no  moral  justifi- 
cation whatsoever  and  this  was  by  far  the  most  fatal 
step  of  all.  Thus,  from  the  facts  so  far  disclosed, 
Austria  and  Germany  may  be  held  chiefly  responsible 
for  the  present  conflagration. 

As  to  France,  everyone  of  course  expected  her  to 
fulfil  her  obligation  to  Russia  as  an  ally.  But,  aside 
from  this  she  added  fuel  to  the  general  flame  by 
yielding  to  the  temptation  to  take  advantage  of  the 
Russo-German  tension  to  win  back  Alsace-Lorraine 


AFTER  THE   WAR  221 

and  to  put  an  end  to  the  later  German  attitude, 
which  may  have  seemed  to  her  one  of  much  arrogance. 

Now  as  to  England.  Days  before  Austria  declared 
war  on  Servia,  Russia,  relying  on  the  supposed  Eng- 
lish "isolation  policy"  towards  Gennany,  appealed 
for  England's  support.  According  to  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  statements  in  the  House  of  Commons,  Eng- 
land's hands  were  free.  Had  she  then  definitely 
taken  sides,  the  general  conflict,  some  are  convinced, 
might  have  been  prevented.  In  my  view  of  the  mat- 
ter, however,  Sir  Edward  Grey  was  not  then  sure 
whether  Parliament  would  back  him  in  pledging  the 
country  to  war.  Later,  when  Germany  appealed  to 
England  to  hold  France  neutral,  to  remain  neutral 
herself  and  thus  keep  Germany  from  war  to  the  west, 
England's  hands,  it  was  seen,  were  not  free.  France 
was  a  participant.  Aside  from  obligations  to  France, 
when  Belgium  became  a  factor,  England's  course  was 
clear  and  she  instantly  followed  it. 

Finally,  as  to  Japan.  She  caused  war  with  Germany 
because,  as  she  claims,  she  had  to  capture  Kiaochau 
(leased  by  Germany  from  China)  to  preserve  peace  in 
the  Far  East.  This  Germany  denies.  But  if  Japan's 
plea  is  justified,  her  \dolation  of  Chinese  neutrality 
in  seizing  a  railway,  not  on  leased  German  soil  but 
on  Chinese  neutral  soil,  and  her  disregard  of  China's 
protest  would  seem  to  have  little  justification.    Her 


222  THE   WORLD  WAR 

counterclaim,  however,  is  that  Germany  had  pre- 
viously used  the  railway  for  military  purposes.  In 
any  event,  a  fundamental  principle  of  international 
law  is  .that  a  belligerent  must  respect  a  neutral's 
impartial  attitude. 

Thus  in  causing  the  present  war,  responsibihty  of 
some  sort,  from  very  remote  to  very  direct  degree, 
rests  on  various  countries.    But  none  rests  on  Belgium. 

These  are  immediate  causes.  Others  lie  back  of 
them.    There  are  ultimate  causes. 

We  find  one  in  the  longing  which  Peter  the  Great 
implanted  in  every  Russian — the  longing  to  possess 
Constantinople,  to  make  it  again  Christian,  to  hold 
it  as  a  warm  water  port  and  as  an  outlet  for  Russia's 
ships  into  the  Mediterranean;  finally  to  give  her  a 
vantage  point  from  which  to  rule  the  Balkan  States. 

We  find  another  ultimate  cause  in  Austria's  attempt 
to  extend  her  influence  southwards  to  Salonika  on  the 
^gean  Sea,  an  attempt  directly  conflicting  with 
Russia's  protection  of  the  Balkan  States  westward  to 
the  Adriatic.  The  desire  to  attain  the  southern  sea 
had  been  a  constant  part  of  Austria's  policy,  but 
this  plan  did  not  become  very  active  until  after  1866, 
when  the  loss  of  Venetia  made  Austria  wish  for  an 
offset. 

Of  course  we  discover  a  third  ultimate  reason  for 
the  present  war  in  the  remembrance  by  Europe  of 


AFTER   THE   WAR  223 

what  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  had  done  to  establish 
and  neutralize  the  small  States;  of  England's  action 
thereafter  in  upholding  Dutch  independence,  followed 
by  her  blameworthy  course  in  not  upholding  Danish 
integrity.  Both  in  these  positive  and  in  these  nega- 
tive actions  can  ultimate  causes  of  the  present  war 
be  found. 

In  Prussia's  wars  with  Denmark,  Austria  and 
France  another  reason  may  be  found,  for,  not  until 
after  these  wars  did  the  Powers  begin  their  suicidal 
race  with  regard  to  arms. 

Still  another  ultimate  cause  for  the  present  war  is 
the  expectation  of  aid  from  allied  nations.  This 
cause  came  into  being  in  our  time  when  Bismarck 
formed  the  Dreikaiserbund  among  Germany,  Austria 
and  Russia;  later,  when  Alexander  II.  of  Russia  laid 
the  foundation  for  the  friendship  with  France  which 
soon  resulted  in  a  hard-and-fast  alliance;  later,  when 
the  Congress  of  BerUn  tore  up  Russia's  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano  with  Turkey;  still  later,  when  Germany  and 
Austria  formed  an  alliance;  again,  when  Bismarck 
fell,  and  with  him  the  policy  of  German  friendship 
for  Russia;  again,  when  William  II.  sent  his  famous 
telegram  to  President  Kruger,  foreshadowing  a  new 
ahgnment;  once  more,  when  England  allied  herself 
with  Japan,  the  effect  of  which  was  seen  in  the  Russo- 
Japanese  war;  and,  finally,  when  the  Anglo-French 


224  THE   WORLD  WAR 

and  Anglo-Russian  Ententes  were  formed,  even  if 
they  were  established  to  deal  only  with  matters  out- 
side Europe. 

All  of  the  above  events  may  have  had  rather  more 
to  do  with  territorial  than  with  commercial  ambi- 
tions. But  there  have  been  also  distinctly  commer- 
cial causes  of  the  present  war. 

If  we  remember  Russia's  desire  to  possess  Con- 
stantinople and  Austria's  to  possess  Salonika,  we 
must  also  remember  Germany's  motives.  They  had 
something  to  do  with  the  Prussian  seizure  of  Schleswig 
in  1864  and  the  occupation  of  Alsace  in  187 1,  and 
now  there  is  an  entirely  natural  desire  on  the  part  of 
Germany  to  estabHsh  a  great  Teutonic  sphere  of  in- 
fluence between  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  and  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  thought  of  this  has  doubtless  in 
recent  years  been  back  of  Germany's  various  coquet- 
tings  with  Turkey  and  of  Germany's  alliance  with 
Austria. 

Commercial  causes  have  also  influenced  England. 
The  violation  of  a  treaty  is  by  no  means,  the  Germans 
maintain,  the  only  reason  for  England's  going  to  war. 
The  real  and  underlying  motive,  they  allege,  is  British 
greed.  That  is  to  say,  it  is  the  protection  and  enlarge- 
ment of  British  markets,  cent  per  cent.  German 
success  in  encroaching  upon  these  markets  and,  still 
more,   the  possible  challenge  to  British  mercantile 


AFTER   THE   WAR  225 

maritime  supremacy — these  things  long  since  excited 
a  corresponding  British  jealousy,  say  the  Germans; 
indeed  many  signs  point  to  the  truth  of  this  charge. 
And  now,  as  we  read  English  newspapers,  and  as 
we  hear  Englishmen  talk,  we  note  the  openly  and 
daily  expressed  expectation  of  many  of  them  to  wage 
the  present  war — ostensibly  begun  to  defend  a  lofty 
ethical  principle — to  the  complete  ruin  of  their  chief 
commercial  rival! 

On  the  other  hand,  the  wisest  EngHshmen  have 
recognized  that  war  does  not  in  the  end  bring  com- 
mercial profit  and  that  competition  can  be  overcome 
only  by  greater  commercial  efficiency.  Moreover, 
while  the  German  markets  are  open  to  the  British 
only  on  the  basis  of  a  protective  tariff  the  British 
markets  are  open  to  the  Germans,  on  the  basis  of 
Britain's  time-honored  policy  of  free  trade. 

War  has  now  come  despite  the  influence  of  the  great 
financial  institutions,  in  both  England  and  Germany. 
That  influence  has  been  steadily  tending  towards  a 
better  understanding  and  co-operation.  Silently  but 
powerfully  it  has  endeavored  to  ensure,  as  far  as  it 
could,  the  peoples  against  war.  Though  it  has  failed 
in  the  present  instance,  let  us  not  forget  the  occasions 
when  it  has  succeeded.  It  is  the  material  expression 
of  the  world's  unity. 

Indeed,  why  should  not  the  great  financial  institu- 


226  THE   WORLD  WAR 

tions  ever3nvhere  also  undertake  another  task?  Why 
should  not  tiiey,  acting  mutually  and  internationally, 
not  only  try  to  prevent  war,  but  also,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, ensure  their  clients  against  war's  consequences 
if  war  should  occur?  And,  in  the  last  analysis,  those 
clients  are  the  nations  themselves. 


So  much  for  causes.  Now  for  conclusions.  This 
war  cannot  go  on  for  ever.    Some  day  peace  will  come. 

On  what  principle  and  in  what  spirit  will  peace  be 
made?  If  it  is  to  be  a  permanent  peace,  it  must  be 
drafted,  not  in  the  interest  of  one  side  or  the  other, 
not  even  in  the  interests  of  both  sides,  but  also,  and 
quite  as  much,  in  the  interest  of  the  neutral  nations. 

Again,  it  must  be  no  ignoble  peace — that  is  to  say, 
it  must  be  no  peace-at-any-price.  We  cannot  cry 
"Peace,  peace"  when  there  is  no  peace.  War  is 
infinitely  preferable  to  the  slavery  of  an  ignoble  peace. 
We  must  begin  by  seeking  justice  and  righteousness 
first  and  peace  second — a  long  way  second!  Other- 
wise it  will  not  be  enduring:  it  may  be  a  name;  it 
will  not  be  a  reaUty. 

The  spirit  with  which  peace  is  concluded  must  be 
eminently  humane.  The  spirit,  the  attitude,  to  be 
efficient  and  effective,  must  seek  neither  to  wreak 
vengeance  nor  to  inflict  humiliation. 

Only  so  will  there  be  real  peace.    Only  so  will  peace 


AFTER  THE   WAR  227 

be  no  mere  truce,  hiding  within  it  the  seeds  of  future 
war. 


What  can  we  do  to  lessen  the  chances  of  a  repetition 
of  this  war? 

It  has  weakened  the  world's  population  in  quality 
as  well  as  in  numbers.  It  has  pathetically  increased 
the  world's  poverty.  It  has  brought  incredibly  out- 
rageous burdens  on  the  women — always  the  greatest 
sufferers  by  any  war.  It  has  crippled  all  mankind 
in  hfe,  Uberty,  pursuit  of  happiness  and  peaceful 
progress  in  civilization.  Worst  of  all  it  has  inspired 
hate.    It  has  poisoned  souls. 

Yet  shall  we  permit  this  world  war  to  have  been  in 
vain?  Colossal  as  has  been  the  sacrifice,  shall  not  the 
present  cataclysm  quicken  and  clarify  our  minds  so 
as  to  create  such  international  conditions  as  may 
bring  permanent  order  out  of  present  chaos? 

To  secure  permanent  order,  certain  principles  of 
democracy  should  be  borne  in  mind.  In  their  light 
certain  reforms  are  necessary. 

There  should  be  a  more  assured  right  of  national 
self-government.  Only  through  it  can  any  mutual 
international  trust  be  developed.  National  bound- 
aries should  be  decided  not  by  military  conquests  or 
miHtary  needs  but  by  the  natural  division  of  race 


228  THE   WORLD   WAR 

and  language.  There  should  be  no  longer  any  tear- 
ing away  of  unwilling  provinces  from  a  State,  as  in 
the  case  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  either  because  of  revenge 
or  because  of  supposed  military  needs.  If  so,  we 
should  thus  have  a  renewal  of  what  followed  the 
Peace  of  WestphaUa.  The  rights  of  the  small  States 
should  be  emphasized  and  enforced.  Just  as  the 
independence  of  Switzerland  and  Holland  was  then 
finally  acknowledged,  so  the  nations  might  even 
now  agree  that  Finland — especially  after  its  recent 
betrayals! — had  a  right  to  a  national  seh-government 
and  guarantee  such  a  government  to  it.  And  why 
not  to  a  reunited  Poland?  Even  Alsace-Lorraine 
might  become  an  independent  buffer  state  if  the 
Alsace-Lorrainers  vote  for  it !  Why  not  have  a  string 
of  neutral  states,  indeed,  Switzerland,  Alsace,  Lor- 
raine, Luxemburg,  Belgium,  Holland?  a  sort  of  mid- 
dle empire,  such  as  was  the  old  Lotharingia,  which 
comprised  them  all. 

Next  there  should  be  a  development  of  the  rights 
and  security  of  neutrality,  begun  by  the  Swiss  Treaty 
of  1815  and  continued  by  the  Belgian  Treaties  of 
183 1  and  1839.  The  fundamental  issue  of  neutraUty 
must  now  be  definitely  guaranteed  in  such  wise  that 
the  small  States  involved  can  count  upon  permanent 
existence.     There  is  plenty  of  rational  good  sense 


AFTER   THE   WAR  229 

about  neutrality — even  among  those  who  have  vio- 
lated it!  What  it  needs  now  is  an  international  in- 
surance of  a  thoroughgoing  kind. 

Next,  the  peoples  should  rule  through  really  repre- 
sentative national  executives.  It  matters  little  what 
the  Executive  is  called,  Emperor,  King,  President; 
the  main  thing  is  that  he  should  no  longer  rule  by 
the  grace  of  some  military  caste  or  clique,  but  by  the 
grace  of  all  the  people.  In  Russia,  the  monarch  has 
been  independent  of  control  by  the  people,  and  in 
Austria  and  Germany  he  has  been  half-way  inde- 
pendent. What  has  been  the  result?  The  Emperors 
of  these  nations,  having  at  their  disposal  highly 
trained  armies  and  immense  armaments,  have  ac- 
tually been  able  of  their  own  will  to  turn  the  nation's 
physical  force  to  one  side  or  the  other,  possibly  after 
consulting  an  assembly  of  princes  or  military  chiefs, 
but  without  consulting  the  representative  assemblies 
of  the  people. 

The  present  rulers  of  these  countries  are  all  benevo- 
lently intentioned  persons.  But  why  should  the  re- 
spective peoples  run  the  risk  of  being  the  tool  of 
some  weak,  spineless  monarch,  of  some  petty  busy- 
body, of  some  ruthless  schemer,  of  some  crank,  pos- 
sibly of  some  madman?  In  a  trice,  such  a  person 
can  give  to  a  slowly  won  civilization  the  semblance  of 


230  THE   WORLD   WAR 

barbarism.  When  this  becomes  clear  to  the  minds  of 
peoples,  who  have  not  as  yet  entirely  awakened  to  a 
complete  self-consciousness,  a  sudden  growth  in  de- 
mocracy and  radical  changes  in  executive  government 
may  be  expected.  The  growing  vitality  will  burst 
its  shell. 

If  national  self-government  and  a  really  assured 
neutrality  to  small  States  mean,  as  they  do,  the  reign 
of  greater  liberty,  surely  the  more  democratic  system 
of  national  executives  would  bring  about  the  reign  of 
a  greater  equahty. 

In  the  next  place,  there  should  be  a  proportionate 
lessening  of  the  aim  to  create  alliances  among  the 
nations  merely  to  maintain  a  so-called  "balance  of 
power."  An  EngHsh  paper  puts  this  forth  as  a  rea- 
son for  England's  going  to  war.  Now,  of  course  it 
may  be  desirable  to  maintain  a  balance  of  power. 
But  consider  what  the  effort  to  do  so  has  involved. 
For  a  generation  it  has  kept  the  countries  of  Europe 
divided  into  two  antagonistic  groups,  the  Triple 
Alliance  and  the  Triple  Entente.  Indeed,  for  cen- 
turies, it  has  filled  Europe  with  suspicion,  jealousy, 
intrigue,  strife.  Should  not  the  system  be  succeeded 
by  something  better?  What  might  that  be?  Why 
not  have  a  Concert  of  the  Powers — a  really  harmonious 
Concert  this  time!    Why  not  secure  it  by  a  federal 


AFTER  THE   WAR  23 1 

treaty  (no  "scrap  of  paper"  if  a  provision  outlined 
later  be  observed)  embracing  small  as  well  as  large 
States?  Under  it,  why  not  have  the  federal  signa- 
tories mutually  guarantee  their  several  territories 
and  their  sovereign  rights.  The  vanquished  could 
sign  such  a  treaty  with  no  humiliation,  because  no 
terms  would  be  enforced  which  the  victors  did  not 
equally  accept  for  themselves. 

These  and  all  other  ends  must  be  accomplished 
by  a  new  diplomacy.  We  have  seen  the  evils  of  se- 
cretive diplomacy,  especially  its  tendency  towards 
deceit.  When  Government  secrecy  must  be  main- 
tained by  disregarding  truth,  so  that  when  an  appeal 
to  force  comes,  one  country  may  secure  an  advan- 
tage by  taking  the  other  by  surprise,  we  have  just 
such  a  sudden  reaction  as  occurred  when  Germany 
discovered  that  Russia  had  been  mobilizing  and 
not  telHng  the  whole  truth  about  it. 

This  is  the  age  of  intelhgence  and  democracy.  If 
so,  the  time  has  gone  by  when  the  people  can  be 
satisfied  by  the  assertion  that  they  cannot  compre- 
hend the  problems  of  foreign  poHcy.  Certainly  the 
time  has  gone  by  when,  at  the  behest  of  a  few  ultra- 
mihtarists  accidentally  in  power,  who  mistake  vio- 
lence for  strength,  the  Government  at  one  blow 
destroys  what  the  people  have  been  long  in  building. 


232  THE   WORLD   WAR 

There  must  be  an  end  of  secret  diplomacy,  with  its 
power  to  make  issues  and  determine  events.  There 
must  be  a  general  adoption  of  the  policy  which  John 
Hay  established  when  he  took  the  whole  world  into 
his  confidence.  He  knew  that  his  plan  to  assure 
China's  territorial,  administrative  and  commercial 
integrity  was  directly  opposed  to  the  autocracy  of 
the  Russian  Government  which  fought  it.  He  knew 
that  it  rested  on  the  desires  of  all  peoples.  Suppose 
the  Foreign  Ministers  had  taken  the  peoples  into 
their  confidence,  should  we  have  had  this  war? 

The  ideal  of  those  who  have  inspired  the  Hague 
Conferences  ought  to  be  reaKzed — an  International 
Parliament  and  an  International  Supreme  Court. 

The  latter  should  be  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 
as  outHned  by  Elihu  Root,  to  replace  the  present 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague — 
which  is  neither  permanent  nor  a  Court!  It  should 
seek  justice  first,  last  and  all  the  time,  no  matter 
whether  peace  follows  or  not.  To  this  end  it  should 
be  composed  of  judges  from  every  nation — not  of 
diplomats  seeking  compromise,  but  of  impartial 
judges,  attending  only  to  the  facts  of  the  special 
cases  before  them,  without  a  thought  of  the  preju- 
dices of  the  particular  nations  involved. 

Nor  need   this   court  be   all-embracing.     Excep- 


AFTER   THE   WAR  233 

tions  might  be  made  of  certain  subjects  which  could 
not  be  brought  up,  such  as  certain  domestic  affairs; 
residence,  naturalization  and  citizenship;  territorial 
integrity;  the  collection  of  private  debts.  But  the 
fundamental  necessity  would  be  to  bring  about  an 
agreement  that  a  dispute  on  any  other  than  the  above 
subjects  should  be  submitted  to  the  court,  no  matter 
whether  the  dispute  has  to  do  with  the  nation  thus 
federated  or  whether  it  is  a  dispute  between  one  of 
them  and  any  outside  nation. 

Moreover,  and  most  important  of  all — \isionary 
as  it  may  seem,  tlte  nations  which  can  back  by  armed 
strength  the  court's  decrees  should  bind  themselves  to 
do  so,  as  well  as  to  abide  by  those  decrees.  No  paper 
agreement  will  protect  defenceless  nations  from  in- 
jury by  others,  unless,  indeed,  the  whole  body  of 
nations  binds  itself  to  uphold  by  arms  the  conclu- 
sions of  international  law.  In  that  service,  while 
war  would  be  possible  and  would  be  conducted  under 
the  rules  of  honor,  there  would  be  a  better  organiza- 
tion of  force  and  its  devotion  to  a  far  higher  end. 
For  the  international. force  would  bind  itself  to  deal 
with  any  nation  that  might  suddenly  become  law- 
less; its  work  would  be  to  enforce  the  laws  of  an  Inter- 
national ParUament  and  secure  obedience  to  the  de- 
crees of  an  International  Court.    The  armies  of  the 


234  THE   WORLD   WAR 

world  would  henceforth  have  as  their  main  charac- 
teristic, not  aggression  but  protection. 

And  the  ideal  of  protection  should  appeal  even 
more  than  that  of  aggression  to  the  innate  fighting 
qualities  of  mankind.  We  cannot  do  away  with  the 
fighting  impulse.  Nor  would  we.  For  the  will  to 
grow  and  the  determination  to  overcome  any  diffi- 
culty to  legitimate  growth  is  the  most  invigorating 
quahty  in  any  man  or  folk.  But  it  needs  direction. 
Let  it  be  used  for  protection  and  let  it  be  fully  re- 
sponsible to  the  civil  authority.  This  new  ideal 
would  appeal  more  to  the  unselfish  natures  of  the 
greatest  warriors  than  does  the  ideal  of  aggression 
and  responsibiHty  to  military  authority.  More  than 
does  the  present  war-ideal,  it  would  bring  out  what 
Moltke  said  war  would  emphasize,  "man's  noblest 
virtues  of  courage  and  renunciation,  faithfulness  to 
duty  and  readiness  for  sacrifice."  In  addition,  the 
newer  ideal  would  coincidently  bring  about  a  propor- 
tionate change  in  the  necessity  to  rely  on  force. 

We  may  thus  anticipate  even  the  gradual  diminish- 
ment  of  competitive  armaments.  We  cannot  do  away 
with  armies  and  navies  as  guardians  of  the  peace,  it 
is  true.  But  we  must  be  free  from  the  menace  of 
what  we  call  militarism — that  is  to  say,  that  un- 
reasonable,  brutal  and  destructive   competition  in 


AFTER  THE   WAR  235 

arms  which  has  imposed  a  senseless  burden  upon 
the  countries  of  Europe.  I  oppose  militarism,  not 
because  it  may  have  retarded  the  realization  of  social 
justice  for,  paradoxical  as  it  may  seem,  the  country, 
Germany,  the  most  accused  of  being  militaristic,  is 
the  one  which  has  made  the  greatest  advance  in 
agricultural  improvement,  in  education,  in  municipal 
government  and  in  social  legislation.  I  oppose  mili- 
tarism because  it  is  an  economic  and  moral  waste  and 
especially  because  it  forms  a  ready  weapon  to  all 
enemies  of  progress,  whether  autocratic  or  capital- 
istic. 

Why  then  should  not  the  nations  one  day  agree  to 
maintain  only  such  naval  and  mihtary  forces  as  a 
supreme  federal  authority  may  determine  desirable 
for  the  common  policing  and  protection  of  all  the 
signatories  to  such  a  proposal?  In  other  words,  why 
should  not  the  nations  agree  to  replace,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, individual  strength  by  collective  strength?  In- 
stead of  crushing  mankind,  as  now,  what  we  call 
militarism  would  itself  be  in  the  way  to  be  eliminated. 
Armies  would  be  combined  and  changed  to  the  Swiss 
form,  which  provides  for  adequate  mihtary  training 
and  readiness  without  military  excess.  Such  a  force 
should  be  of  far  less  numerical  strength  and  more 
economical  to  maintain  than  are  the  present  separate 
armies. 


236  THE   WORLD   WAR 

The  general  plan  of  a  judicial  organization  of  peace, 
will,  of  course,  outrun  the  limits  of  Europe.  In  it, 
we  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  vision  of  a  world  federation 
of  nations.  And  in  that  federation  our  own  nation 
will  assuredly  play  its  part. 

Out  of  all  the  welter  of  war  there  will  doubtless 
come  a  variety  of  counsels  as  to  the  future.  But 
no  matter  what  methods  be  adopted  the  lesson  of  the 
war  should  check  the  influence  of  the  selfish  man,  of 
the  swaggerer,  of  the  bully,  of  the  hypocrite.  The 
spirit  of  such  men  is  accountable  for  most  interna- 
tional differences.  Such  men  have  been  mainly  re- 
sponsible for  this  war.  Sordid  in  their  materiahsm, 
brutal  in  their  mihtarism,  arrogant  in  their  executive 
power  and  secretive  in  their  diplomacy,  they  have 
threatened  the  whole  earth. 

Yet  a  better  world,  let  us  be  sure,  will  emerge  from 
the  horrors  of  war.  The  new  world  must  become 
conscious  of  itself  as  a  unit  of  humanity. 


THE  WAR  IN  BRIEF 

1914. 

June  28.  The  Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  heir  to  the 
Austrian  throne,  and  his  wife,  the  Duchess  of 
Hohenberg,  murdered  at  Sarajevo,  the  capital 
of  Bosnia.  The  crime  said  to  be  due  to  the 
machinations  of  the  "Narodna  Odbrana." 

July  9.     Results  of  the  Austrian  investigation  into  the 
crime  laid  before  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  and 
later  communicated  to  the  Press. 
"  Serious  disclosures  concerning  the  condition  of 

the  French  Army. 

July  18.    The  London  Times  warns  Servia. 

July  21.  The  Frankfurter  Zeitung  warns  Austria  against 
precipitate  action;  other  papers  encourage 
Servia  to  friendly  positive  action. 

July  23.    Austria  presents  an  ultimatum  to  Servia. 

July  24.  Russia,  considering  the  Austrian  demands  as  an 
indirect  challenge  to  her,  begins  military  prep- 
arations.   Strike  at  St.  Petersburg. 

July  25.     Servia  replies  to  Austria.    Departure  of  Aus- 
trian   Minister   from   Belgrade,    the    Servian 
capital. 
"  Sir  Edward   Grey,   British  Foreign   Minister, 

proposes  that  England,  Germany,  France  and 
Italy  should  mediate  at  Vienna  and  St.  Peters- 
burg. 

July  26.  Sir  Edward  Grey  proposes  that  the  German, 
French  and  Italian  Ambassadors  at  London 
should  meet  him  in  immediate  conference  for 

237 


238  THE  WORLD   WAR 

the  purpose  of  discovering  an   issue  which 
would    prevent    complications.      Russia    an- 
nounces that  she  cannot  remain  indififerent  to 
Servia's  fate. 
July  27.    The  London  Telegraph  warns  Servia. 

France  and  Italy  accept  Sir  Edward  Grey's 
proposal,  Germany  refuses.    Austria  also  an- 
nounces that  she  can  not  be  bound  by  it.    Sir 
Edward  Grey  appeals  especially  to  Germany. 
"        General  review  of  the  British  fleet. 
July  28.    Austria  declares  war  on  Servia. 
July  29.    Announcement  that  Russia  is  partially  mobiliz- 
ing. 

Germany  makes  a  bid  for  England's  support  in 
case  of  a  European  conflagration. 
July  30.    The  Austrians  bombard  Belgrade. 

"        England  declines  the  German  proposal. 
July  31.     A  general  mobihzation  discovered  in  Russia. 
Mobilization  in  Belgium  and  Holland. 
"  Germany  presents  an  ultimatum  to  Russia  and 

France. 
"  Jean  Jaures  murdered  in  Paris. 

"  Sir  Edward  Grey  asks  France  and  Germany 

whether  they  will  respect  Belgian  neutrality. 
"  France  promises  to  respect  it  if  the  other  Powers 

do. 
"  Germany  doubts  whether  she  can  make  any 

satisfactory  answer. 
August  I.     William  II.  telegraphs  to  George  V.  saying 
that,  if  England  and  France  remain  neutral,  he 
will  remove  his  troops  from  the  French  fron- 
tier and  respect  Belgian  neutrality. 
"  France  orders  general  mobilization. 

"  Germany  orders  general  mobilization. 


THE   WAR   IN   BRIEF 


239 


August  I.  French  aviators  alleged  to  have  dropped  bombs 
in  Nuremberg,  Germany. 

"  The  Russian  troops  alleged  to  have  crossed 

the  German  border  in  several  places. 

"  Germany  declares  war  against  Russia. 

August  2.  Sir  Edward  Grey  assures  France  that  the  Eng- 
lish Fleet  will  protect  the  French  north  coast 
against  the  German  Fleet. 

"  All  British  Naval  Reserves  called  up. 

"  Germany  presents  an  ultimatum  to  Belgium. 

"  Germany  crosses  Luxemburg. 

"  Claiming  that  the  French  had  entered  Ger- 

many the  day  before  by  the  Schlucht  Pass, 
Germany  enters  French  territory. 

"  The  German  cruiser  Augsburg  bombards  the 

Russian  military  port  of  Libau. 

"  The    Russians    destroy   their   own    port    of 

Hango. 
August  3.     Sir  Edward  Grey  defines  England's  attitude. 

"  The  Australian  Government  offers  20,000  men. 

"  The  English  Fleet  mobihzed. 

"  Italy  declares  neutrality. 

"  King   Albert   of   Belgium   appeals   to   King 

George. 

"  England  announces  that  she  will  support  Bel- 

gium. 
August  4.    England  presents  an  ultimatum  to  Germany. 

"  Mobilization  of  the  British  Army. 

"  Sir  John  Jellicoe  takes  command  of  the  Navy. 

"  The  Germans  cross  the  Belgian  border. 

"  England  declares  war  on  Germany. 

"  The   German   vessels,    Goeben   and   Breslau 

bombard  Bona  and  Philippeville. 
August  5.    Lord  Kitchener  appointed  War  Secretary. 


240 


THE   WORLD  WAR 


August  5.    The  Germans  besiege  Liege. 

"  The  English  cruiser  Amphion  sinks  the  Ger- 

man   mine-layer    Konigin    Luise;    thereafter 
the  Amphion  runs  over  one  of  the  Konigin 
Luise's  mines  and  is  blown  up. 
August  6.    The  British  Parliament  votes  500,000  men  and 
£100,000,000  ($500,000,000)  for  the  war. 
"  The  Germans  capture  Briey  in  France. 

"  Austria  declares  war  against  Russia. 

August  7.     New  paper  currency  issued  in  England. 
"  The  Germans  enter  the  city  of  Liege. 

"  The  Germans  make  a  second  offer  to   the 

Belgians,  the  Belgians  refuse  it. 
"  Montenegro  declares  war  against  Austria. 

August  8.    The  English  invade  the  German  colony  of 
Togo  in  West  Africa. 
"  The  French  capture  Altkirch  in  Germany. 

August  9,     The  English  definitely  retain  in  England  the 
Turkish  dreadnoughts  which  had  been  con- 
structed there. 
"  The  Japanese  fleet  sails  for  Kiaochau,  the 

German  leased  territory  in  China. 
"  The   British  cruiser   Birmingham  sinks   the 

German  submarine  U.  15. 
France  declares  war  against  Austria. 
The  Germans  invade  Cape  Colony. 
The  Russian  dreadnought  Peroswanny  sunk. 
The  French  retire  from  German  Alsace. 
England  declares  war  against  Austria. 
"  The  Belgians  repulse  the  Germans  at  Haelen. 

"  Turkey  buys  the  Goeben  and  the  Breslau. 

"  The  French  repulse   the   Germans   at  La- 

garde,  Lorraine. 
August  13.     France  declares  war  against  Austria. 


August  10, 


August  II 
August  12 


THE    WAR   IN   BRIEF  241 

August  13.     Russia  promises  autonomy  to  Poland. 
August  14.     The  English  bombard   Dar-es-Salaam,   the 

capital  of  German  East  Africa. 
August  15.    Japan  presents  an  ultimatum  to  Germany, 
demanding  the  evacuation  of  Kiaochau. 
"  The  Germans  in  entire  control  of  the  Liege 

fortifications. 
August  16.    The  British  land  in  France. 

"  The  Belgian  Government  is  removed  to  Ant- 

werp. 
August  17.    The   French   destroy   the   Austrian   cruiser 

Zenta. 
August  18.    The  Germans  capture  Tirlemont. 

The  battle  of  Sabac  in  Servia. 
August  19.    The  Russians  occupy  Gumbinnen  in  East 

Prussia. 
August  20.    The  Germans  occupy  Brussels. 
August  21.    The  Germans  levy  $40,000,000  on  Brussels. 

The  Germans,  under  the  Bavarian  Crown 
Prince,  defeat  the  French  at  the  battle,  lasting 
several  days,  near  Dieuze. 
"  The  Germans  defeat  the  Belgians  and  French 

at  the  battle  of  Charleroi. 
"  The  Germans  invade  South  Africa. 

August  22.    The  Germans  attack  Namur. 
August  23.    The  Germans  defeat  the  British  at  Mons. 
"  Japan    declares    war   on    Germany:   Japan 

blockades  and  bombards  the  German  port  of 
Tsingtau  in  China. 
August  24.    Namur  falls. 

"  The  Allies  retreat  into  France. 

"  The  Germans,  under  Duke  Albert  of  Wurtem- 

burg,  defeat  the  French  at  Neufchateau. 
"  The  Germans  occupy  Luneville. 


242  THE   WORLD   WAR 

August  24.    The  Austrians  defeat  the  Russians  at  Kras- 

nik. 
August  25.    The  Germans  destroy  much  of  Louvain. 

"  The  Allies  fall  back  to  Cambrai. 

August  26.    After  a  siege  cf  28  days  the  Germans  capture 
Longwy, 
"  A  new  "National  Ministry"  in  France, 

August  27.     The  British  ship  Highflyer  sinks  the  Ger- 
man Kaiser  Wilhelm  der  Grosse  off  the  West 
African  coast. 
"  The  Russians  destroy  the  German  cruiser 

Magdeburg  in  the  Gulf  of  Finland. 
August  28.     The  British  fleet  sinks  five  German  warships 
off  Heligoland. 
"  The  Germans  bombard  Malines. 

"  Austria  declares  war  on  Belgium. 

"  The  Allies  fall  back  to  St.  Quentin. 

August  29.     British   troops   from  New  Zealand  occupy 

German  Samoa. 
August  30.    The  Germans  drive  the  Allies  to  tlie  line  of 
the     Somme,     the     Oise     and     the     Upper 
Meuse. 
August  31.    The  Germans  drive  the  Allies  to  the  region 
between  the  Marne  and  Seine. 
"  The  Germans  defeat  the  Russians  at  Oster- 

ode,  destroying  or  capturing  three  army  corps. 
September  i.     Nicholas  II.  proclaims  that  the  name  of  St. 

Petersburg  is  to  be  changed  to  Petrograd. 
September  2.    The  Japanese  land  10,000  troops  in  China. 
"  The  Russians,  after  seven  days'  fighting, 

defeat  the  Austrians  at  Lemberg. 
September  3.    The  Germans  advance  to  Chateau-Thierry. 
"  The  French  Government  moves  from  Paris 

to  Bordeaux. 


THE   WAR    IN   BRIEF  243 

September  4.    The  Belgians  open  the  dykes  and  flood  out 
the  German  advance  towards  Antwerp. 
"  German   mines   sink   the   British   vessels 

Speedy  and  Linsde'l. 

September  5.     German  mines  sink  the  British  scout  gun- 
boat Pathfinder,  also  the  Wilson  liner  Runo, 
"  England,  France  and  Russia  agree  not  to 

treat  for  peace  separately. 

September  6.      The  Germans  cross  the  Marne. 

September  7.     Germans  reach  the  extreme  point  of  their 
advance;    the    tide    of    invasion    begins    to 
turn. 
"  The  Germans  finally  capture  Maubeuge. 

September  8.  The  former  White  Star  liner  Oceanic,  now 
a  British  Government  boat,  sinks  off  the 
North  coast  of  Scotland. 

September  9.     70,000  Indian  troops  sail  for  England. 

September  10.    The  Germans,  failing  to  break  the  Allied 
line  at  Vitry-le-Frangois,  lose  the  Battle  of  the 
Marne. 
"  The  Russians  capture  Tomaszov. 

September  11.  An  Australian  expedition  captures  the 
German  headquarters  of  the  New  Guinea  and 
Bismarck  Archipelago  Protectorate. 

September  12.  The  German  cruiser  Emden  sinks  a  num- 
ber of  British  ships  off  the  coast  of  India. 

September  13.    The  Allies  force  the  passage  of  the  Aisne, 
near  Soissons. 
"  The  British  submarine  E.  9  sinks  the  Ger- 

man cruiser  Hela. 

September  14.  The  British  auxiliary  cruiser  Carmania 
— the  well  known  Cunarder — sinks  the  German 
Cap  Trafalgar  off'  the  South  American  east 
coast. 


244  THE   WORLD   WAR 

September  15.  The  Germans  hold  the  line  from  Noyon 
to  Verdun. 

September  16.  The  Germans  drive  the  Russians  out  of 
East  Prussia. 

September  17.  The  Russians  rout  the  Austrian  Army  in 
GaKcia. 

September  18.     Parliament  is  prorogued. 

September  19.    The  Servians  and  Montenegrins  defeat 
the  Austrians  in  Novibazar. 
"  The  British  occupy  Liideritz  in  German 

South  West  Africa,  the  town  where  the  first 
German  protectorate  on  the  African  continent 
was  proclaimed. 

September  20.    The  Germans  bombard  Rheims  and  injure 
the  Cathedral. 
"  The  German  cruiser  Konigsberg  destroys 

the  British  vessel  Pegasus  in  Zanzibar  Harbor. 

September  21.  The  critical  day  of  the  battle  of  the 
Craonne,  resulting  in  advantage  to  the  Allies. 

September  22.     German  submarines  in   the  North  Sea 
sink  the  British  cruisers  Aboukir,  Hogue,  and 
Cressy. 
"  The  Emden  bombards  Madras. 

September  23.  British  aeroplanes  raid  the  Zeppelin  air- 
ship sheds  at  Dusseldorf. 

September  24.  A  British  Expeditionary  Force  arrives  at 
Laoshan  Bay  to  participate  in  the  Japanese 
movements  against  the  Germans  at  Tsingtau. 

September  25.  The  Australians  occupy  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment of  Kaiser  Wilhelm's  Land. 

September  26.  The  Russians  reach  vantage  points  near 
Cracow  but  are  forced  to  retire. 

September  27.  The  South  African  forces  under  General 
Botha  defeat  the  Germans. 


THE  WAR  IN  BRIEF  245 

September  28.     The  Indian   troops  land  at  Marseilles. 

September  29.    The    Emden    sinks    five    more    British 
steamships. 
"  The    British    cruiser    Cumberland    cap- 

tures   nine    German    merchant    steamers    in 
Kamerun  River,  West  Africa. 

September  30.  After  a  week's  battle  at  Augustovo  the 
Russians  force  the  Germans  to  retire, 

October  2.      The  British  repulse  the  Germans  at  Roye. 

October  3.  The  Russians  begin  to  advance  from  Buko- 
vina  across  the  Carpathians  towards  Transyl- 
vania. 

October  4.  A  German  torpedo  sinks  the  Russian  cruiser 
Pallada  and  sends  her  to  the  bottom  with 
all  hands. 

October  5.  The  Chinese  protest  against  the  Japanese 
occupation  of  their  railways  as  a  flagrant  viola- 
tion of  neutrality. 

October  6.    The    Japanese    proclaim    martial     law    at 
Tsinanfu. 
"  The  Belgian  Government  moves  from  Ant- 

werp to  Ostend. 
"  The  Russians  occupy  Czernowitz,  the  cap- 

ital of  Bukovina. 

October  7.    The  Japanese  occupy  the  Marshall  Islands. 

October  8.  Announcement  of  the  arrival  of  Canadian 
troops  off  Southampton. 

October  9.  The  Germans  take  Antwerp  after  an  eleven 
day  bombardment. 

October  10.  The  French  win  an  engagement  at  Haze- 
brouck. 

October  11.  The  French  place  siege  guns  on  Mount 
Lovchen,  dominating  Cattaro. 

October  12.    The  Anglo-French  fleet,  now  increased  to 


246  THE   WORLD  WAR 

forty  ships,  recommences  the  bombardment  of 

Cattaro. 
October  13.     Colonel  Maritz  in  South  Africa  secedes  to  the 

Germans.    Martial  law  proclaimed. 
"  The  Belgian  Government  transferred  from 

Ostend  to  Havre. 
October  14.    Battle  of  Glassinatz  in  Bosnia.    Glassinatz 

dominates  the  fortifications  of  Sarajevo,  the 

Bosnian  capital. 
October  15.    Announcement   that  the  Canadian  troops 

have  landed  at  Plymouth. 
October  16.    The  Allies' line  stretches  from  Ypres  to  the  sea. 
"  A    German    submarine    sinks    the    British 

cruiser  Hawke. 
October  17.    H.  M.  S.  Undaunted  with  the  destroyers 

Lance,  Legion,  Lennox  and  Loyal  sinks  four 

German  destroyers  off  the  Dutch  coast. 
"  The  Japanese  cruiser  Takachiho  sunk  by  a 

torpedo  in  Kiaochau  Bay. 
"  Death  of  King  Carol  of  Rumania. 

October  iS.     Death   of   the   Marquis   di   San   Giuliano, 

Italian  Foreign  Minister. 
"  German    warships    sink    the    British    sub- 

marine E.  3. 
October  ig.    The  Allies  recapture  Armentieres. 
October  20.    A  British  naval  flotilla  bombards  the  Ger- 
mans on  the  Belgian  coast. 
October  21.    Rhodesia  co-operates  with  the  army  of  the 

South  African  Union. 
October  22.     The    German    cruiser   Emden   sinks   more 

ships  in  the  Indian  Ocean. 
October  23.    The  Austrians  re-occupy  Czernowitz. 
October  24.     The  ten-day  battle  before  Warsaw  ends  in  a 

German  defeat. 


THE   WAR   IN   BRIEF  247 

October  25.    The  Japanese  capture  a  German  destroyer 

at  Tsingtau. 
October  26.    The  British  Prince  Maurice  of  Battenberg 

killed  at  Ypres. 
October  27.    An  Austrian  river-monitor  is  blown  up  by  a 
mine  on  the  Save. 
"  The   British   superdreadnought   Audacious 

sinks  off  the  Irish  coast. 
"  General  Beyers  and  Christian  deWet  start  a 

revolt  in  South  Africa. 
October  28.  Russian  ships,  according  to  Turkish  state- 
ment, endeavor  to  prevent  the  Turkish  fleet 
from  entering  the  Black  Sea  from  the  Bosporus. 
In  the  fight  that  followed,  the  Turks  sink  two 
Russian  destroyers. 
"  The  German  cruiser  Emden  disables  French 

and  Russian  warships  in  the  harbor  of  Penang. 
October  29.     The  Turkish  fleet  proceeds  across  the  Black 
Sea    and    attacks    shipping    in    three    ports, 
Odessa,  Novorossysk  and  Theodosia. 
"  Russia  proclaims  war  against  Turkey. 

"  Italy  as  the  only  neutral  power  to  the  Con- 

ference of  London  (191 2),  and  assiuning  the 
duty  of  enforcing  the  decisions  of  that 
Conference,  sends  six  warships  to  Avlona 
(Vallona). 
October  30.  Some  of  the  Boer  rebels  surrender  or  are 
driven  out  of  Cape  Colony. 
"  Prince  Louis  of  Battenberg  resigns  his  posi- 

tion as  First  Sea  Lord  of  the  British  Fleet. 
Admiral  Baron  Fisher  succeeds  him. 
October  31.     The  proposal  to  increase  taxes  by  one-tenth 
caused  a  split  in  the  Italian  Cabinet. 
"  The  French  airmen  drop  bombs  upon  the 


248  THE   WORLD   WAR 

German  headquarters  at  Dixmude  near  Ostend, 
destroying  the  headquarters. 
November  i.  The  German  armored  cruisers  Gneisenau 
and  Scharnhorst,  together  with  some  Hght 
cruisers,  disable  the  British  cruisers  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  and  Monmouth  off  the  Chilean 
coast  near  Coronel.  The  Good  Hope  founders 
and  the  Monmouth  had  not  been  heard  from. 
"  By  extending  their  mine  fields,  the  British 

close  the  North  Sea  to  trade.     The  neutral 
Governments  involved  protest. 
"  The  Turks  bombard  Sevastopol. 

November  2.      The  Russian  fleet  bombards  Trebizond  on 

the  southern  shore  of  the  Black  Sea. 
November  3.      A  German  squadron  appears  near  Yar- 
mouth, sinks  a  British  submarine,  shells  the 
torpedo  gunboat  Halcyon. 
November  4.      The  German  cruiser  Yorck  strikes  a  mine 

near  Bremen  and  sinks. 
November  5.      England  and  France  declare  war  on  Tur- 
key.   Great  Britain  formally  annexes  Cyprus. 
The   Anglo-French   fleet   bombards    the 
Dardanelles  forts. 

The   British   bombard  and   occupy   the 
Arabian  port  of  Akaba  in  the  Red  Sea. 

The  Russians  cross  the  border  into  Turk- 
ish Armenia  and  defeat  the  Turks  at  Id. 

The  Turks  bombard  the  Russian  port  of 
Batum. 

The   Turks   seize    the   British   steamers 
Assiut  and  Khios  at  Smyrna. 
November  6.      New  Italian  Cabinet.     Signer  Salandra 
continues  as  Premier.    Baron  Sonnino  becomes 
Foreign  Minister. 


THE   WAR   IN   BRIEF  249 

November  6.      The  Russians  recapture  Jaroslav. 

"  The  Russians  defeat  three  Turkish  regi- 

ments near  Erzsrum. 
"  Under  Russian  inspiration  a  native  force 

besieges  Van  in  Turkish  Armenia,  a  hundred 
and  forty  miles  southeast  of  Erzsrum. 
"  The  Japanese  capture  Tsingtau  after  a 

74-day  siege. 
November  7.      The  British  ships  bombard  the  Germans  at 
Knocke  and  Zeebrugge  on  the  Belgian  coast. 
"  The  Allies  capture  St.  Remy  near  Verdun 

on  the  heights  of  the  Meuse. 
"  The  Russians  cross  the  Prussian  border 

and  occupy  Pleschen. 
November  8.      The    Russians    occupy    Wirballen    and 
Stalluponen  on  the  Prussian  frontier. 
"  The  Turks  bombard  Poti  on  the  Black  Sea. 

November  9.      The  Russians  also  cross  the  East  Prussian 
border  at  Soldau. 
"  The  Germans  repulse  the  Russians  near 

Lake  Wysztyten,  on  the  East  Prussian  frontier 
near  Wirballen. 
November  10.    The  Australian  cruiser  Sydney  destroys  (?) 

the  Emden  near  the  Cocos  Islands. 
November  11.    A  submarine  in  the  English  Channel  sinks 

the  British  torpedo  gunboat  Niger. 
November  12.    The  Turks  defeat  the  Russians  at  Kopru- 

keui,  thirty  miles  east  of  Erzsrum. 
November  13.    The  Germans  occupy  Dixmude. 
November  14.    The  Belgians  open  more  dykes  flooding 

the  country  between  the  sea  and  Ypres. 
November  15.    The  British  and  French  force  the  Ger- 
mans beyond  the  Yser  Canal. 
"  Death  of  Field  Marshal  Earl  Roberts. 


250  THE   WORLD   WAR 

November  16.  Italy  votes  $80,000,000  to  keep  her  army 
on  a  war  footing, 

"  17.  The  British  Prime  Minister  announces  a 
war  loan  of  $1,750,000,000. 

"         18.    The  French  captm-e  Tracy-le-Val. 

"  The   Turks   at   Smyrna   fire   upon    the 

launch  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Tennessee. 

"  19.  The  British  House  of  Commons  votes  a 
new  army  of  1,000,000  men. 

"  20.  The  Germans,  advancing  in  Poland,  en- 
gage the  Russians  near  Lodz  in  what  may  be 
one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  war. 


DATES  REFERRED  TO  IN  THE  TEXT 

1361.    The  Turks  capture  Adrianople. 

1453.    The  Turks  capture  Constantinople. 

1 555-1 598.  Reign  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain.  He  oppresses 
the  Netherlands. 

1568.  The  Northern  Netherlands  (Holland)  revolts 
against  Spanish  dominion. 

1574.    The  Dutch  raise  the  siege  of  Leyden. 

1643-1715,  Reign  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France.  He  op- 
presses the  Netherlands,  Luxemburg,  Alsace- 
Lorraine  and  the  Palatinate. 

1648.  The  Treaty  of  Westphalia :  the  Powers  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  Holland:  the  Dutch  con- 
trol the  Scheldt. 

1652.  The  English  Navigation  Act  leads  to  war  between 
England  and  Holland. 

1672.    England  and  France  invade  Holland. 

1682-1725.    Reign  of  Peter  the  Great  of  Russia. 

1 7 13.  Treaty  of  Utrecht:  the  Southern  Netherlands  (Bel- 
gium) pass  from  Spanish  to  Austrian  control. 

1772.    Partition  of  Poland. 

1788.  The   Triple   Alliance   of   England,   Holland   and 

Prussia. 

1789.  The  French  Revolution  begins. 

1792.  France  throws  down  her  gauntlet  to  England. 

1793.  Second  Partition  of  Poland. 

France  declares  war  against  England  and  Holland. 

1795.  Third  Partition  of  Poland. 

1796.  Napoleon  oppresses  Italy. 
1807.    Napoleon  oppresses  Portugal. 

251 


252  THE   WORLD   WAR 

1807.     The  English  oppress  Denmark. 

1 8 14-15.  Congress  of  Vienna.  The  Powers  confide  the 
Austrian  Netherlands  (Belgium)  to  Holland. 

1828.     Greece  revolts  from  Turkish  oppression. 

1 83 1.  England,  Austria,  France,  Prussia  and  Russia  guar- 
antee Belgian  independence  and  neutrality. 

1839.  Second  guaranty  of  Belgian  independence  and 
neutrality. 

1848.  Revolutions  all  over  Europe,  especially  in  North 
Italy  against  Austrian  oppression. 

1854-6.    The  Crimean  War. 

i860.     Garibaldi  redeems  Sicily;  Cavour,  North  Italy. 

1861.  All  Italy,  except  Venetia  and  Rome,  united  under 
King  Victor  Emmanuel. 

1863.  Poland  revolts  from  Russian  oppression. 

1864.  War  between  Prussia  and  Denmark:  Prussia  seizes 

Schleswig. 
The  Red  Cross  founded  at  Geneva. 
1866.    War  between  Prussia  and  Austria. 

1866.  Italy  redeems  Venetia. 

The  North  German  Confederation  comes  to  an 
end:  Napoleon  III.  proposes  to  annex  Luxem- 
burg to  France. 

Prince  Charles  of  Hohenzollern  called  to  rule 
Rumania. 

1867.  England,   Austria,    France,    Prussia   and   Russia 

guarantee  the  neutrality  of  Luxemburg. 
War  between  Germany  and  France. 

1870.  England,  France  and  Germany  make  a  special 

agreement    regarding    Belgian    independence 
and  neutrality. 

1871.  The    Treaty   of    Frankfort,    closes    the    Franco- 

German  War  and  transfers  Alsace-Lorraine 
from  France  to  Germany. 


DATES   REFERRED   TO   IN   THE   TEXT  253 

187 1.  Thiers  proposes  to  annex  Luxemburg  to  France. 

1872.  The  Dreikaiserbund:  alliance  of  Russia,  Germany 

and  Austria. 

1874.  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  revolt. 

1875.  Alexander  II.  of  Russia  aids  France. 

1876.  The  Bulgarian  atrocities. 

1877.  The  Russo-Turkish  War.     Rumanian  help  gives 

Russia  the  victory.  The  Treaty  of  San 
Stefano.  Rumania,  Servia  and  Montenegro 
made  independent. 

1878.  The  Congress  and  Treaty  of  Berlin,  annulling  the 

Treaty  of  San  Stefano. 

1879.  Austro-Gerraan  alliance. 

1881.  Prince  Charles  crowned  King  of  Riunania. 

1882.  The  English  occupy  Egypt. 

1883.  The  Triple  Alliance — Germany,  Austria,  Italy. 
1886.  A  new  Law  raises  the  French  Army's  peace  footing 

to  500,000  men. 
1888.     Death  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  of   Germany. 
Accession  of  William  II. 

1890.  Fall  of  Bismarck. 

1 89 1.  Important  strengthening  of  Russo-French  friend- 

ship. 

1893.  Germany  reduces  period  of  army  service  from 

3  years  to  2. 

1894.  Death  of  Alexander  III.  of  Russia.    Accession  of 

Nicholas  II. 
1896.     Definite  alliance  between  Russia  and  France. 

1898.  Nicholas    II.    violates    the     Finnish     Constitu- 

tion. 

Nicholas  II.  proposes  an  International  Peace  Con- 
ference. 

William  II.  visits  Turkey. 

1899.  First  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague. 


254  THE   WORLD   WAR 

1899.     Germany   makes   her   army   numerically   almost 
equal  to  that  of  France. 

1902.  Anglo- Japanese  Alliance.    The  Peace  of  Vereenig- 

ing  closes  the  Boer  War. 

1903.  Alexander    of    Servia    murdered.      Accession    of 

Peter  I. 

1904.  The  Anglo-French  Entente. 

The  French  bombard  Casablanca. 
France  reduces  the  period  of  her  Army  service  from 
3  years  to  2. 
1904-5.    The  Russo-Japanese  War. 

1905.  Finland  revolts  against  Russian  oppression  and 

regains  her  stolen  liberties. 
William  II.  visits  Tangier. 
M.  Delcasse,  French  Foreign  Minister,  resigns. 
1905-6.     Conference  of  the  Powers  at  Algeciras,  Spain, 
settling  the  Moroccan  question. 

1907.  The  Anglo-Russian  Entente. 

Second  Peace  Conference  at  The  Hague. 

1908.  Austria  annexes  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina. 
Russia  approves  the  union  of  all  the  Balkan  States. 

1909.  Servia  issues  formal  Note  accepting  the  Bosnian 

annexation  and  declaring  her  desire  to  live  in 
good  fellowship  with  Austria. 
Death  of  Leopold  II.  of  Belgium.    Accession  of 
Albert  I. 

1910.  Death  of  Edward  VII.  of  England.    Accession  of 

George  V. 

191 1.  Germany  threatens  to  occupy  Agadir,  Morocco: 

England  averts  war. 
The  French  overthrow  the  Sultan  of  Morocco. 

191 2.  Russia  again  violates  the  Finnish  Constitution. 
Italy  declares  war  against  Turkey. 

The  First  Balkan  War:  the  Peace  Conference  in 


DATES  REFERRED  TO  IN  THE  TEXT      255 

London  of  the  Balkan  States  with  Turkey 
interrupted. 

1913.  The  Second  Balkan  War.     End  of  the  Presiden- 

tial term  of  M.  Fallieres:  M.  Poincare  elected 
President  of  France. 
Significant  Army  Bills  in  Germany,  France  and 
Russia. 

1914.  Tension  between  Austria  and  Servia. 


PRESIDENT  WILSON'S  DESPATCH  TO  THE  GER- 
MAN EMPEROR 

[September  i6,  1914.] 

American  Ambassador, 

Berlin  (via  Rome)  i^t,,  sixteenth. 

Please  communicate  to  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  the 
reply  which  the  President  makes  to  his  communication  of 
the  seventh: 

I  received  Your  Imperial  Majesty's  important  communi- 
cation of  the  seventh  and  have  read  it  with  the  gravest 
interest  and  concern.  I  am  honored  that  you  should  have 
turned  to  me  for  an  impartial  judgment  as  the  representa- 
tive of  a  people  truly  disinterested  as  respects  the  present 
war  and  truly  desirous  of  knowing  and  accepting  the 
truth. 

You  will,  I  am  sure,  not  expect  me  to  say  more.  Pres- 
ently, I  pray  God  very  soon,  this  war  will  be  over.  The 
day  of  accounting  will  then  come  when  I  take  it  for  granted 
the  Nations  of  Europe  will  assemble  to  determine  a  settle- 
ment. Where  wrongs  have  been  committed,  their  conse- 
quences and  the  relative  responsibility  involved  will  be 
assessed.  The  Nations  of  the  world  have  fortunately 
by  agreement  made  a  plan  for  such  a  reckoning  and  settle- 
ment. What  such  a  plan  cannot  compass  the  opinion  of 
mankind,  the  final  arbiter  in  all  such  matters,  will  supply. 
It  would  be  unwise,  it  would  be  premature,  for  a  single 
Government,  however  fortunately  separated  from  the 
present  struggle,  it  would  even  be  inconsistent  \\ath  the 

256 


ADDENDA  257 

neutral  position  of  any  Nation  which  like  this  has  no  part 
in  the  contest,  to  form  or  express  a  final  judgment. 

I  speak  thus  frankly  because  I  know  that  you  will 
expect  and  wish  me  to  do  as  one  friend  should  to  another 
and  because  I  feel  sure  that  such  a  reservation  of  judgment 
until  the  end  of  the  war,  when  all  its  events  and  circum- 
stances can  be  seen  in  their  entirety  and  in  their  true 
relations  will  commend  itself  to  you  as  a  true  expression  of 
sincere  neutrality. 

WooDRow  Wilson. 


INDEX 


Aberdeen,  Earl  of,  165 
Adige  River,  the,  192 
Adrianople,  204 
Adriatic,  the,  100 
^gean  Islands,  205 
Afghanistan,  66 
Agordo,  192 
Agadir,  68 

Albania,  14,  193,  204 
Albert  I  of  Belgium,  87,  88 
Alexander  II  of  Russia,  65,  223 
Algeciras,  conference  at,  67 
Alsace-Lorraine,     60,     63,     220, 

224,  228 
America,  207-217 

and  England,  132 

and  France,  121 

information  received  in,  137 
American  army,  the,  214,  215 

fratemalism,  216,  217 

nationahsm,  213 

navy, 138 

treaties,  214,  215 
Americans  in  Europe,  56,  57,  76- 
78,  93,  94 

meaning  of  the  war  to,  207- 
217 
Amersfoort,  99 
Amsterdam,  99 
Anglo-French  entente,  66-73,  98, 

116,  117,  122,  223 
Anglo- Japanese  alliance,  223 
Anglo-Russian  entente,  66,  117, 
119,  224 

2 


Antwerp,  73,  98 

Arabi  Rebellion,  the,  121 

Arabs,  the,  203 

Armaments,  234,  235 

Armies,  233,  234 

Art,  works  of,  74 

Atrocities,  91,  92,  96,  97,  152, 

164, 179, 180,  210-213 
Auronzo,  192 
Australia,  178 

Austria  and  the  Balkans,  14,  203 
and  England,  118,  123,  131 
and  Germany,  17,  22-37,  120, 

220,  223 
and  Italy,  117, 118,  222 
and  Luxemburg,  82 
and  Rumania,  14,  189,  190 
and  Russia,  12-18,  23,  35,  36, 

118, 119,  219,  222 
and  Servia,  i-ii,  21,  119,  125, 

131,  218,  219 
and  Turkey,  204 
Austrian  ambitions,  222 
army,  the,  28 
foreign  poUcy,  118 
Austro-German  alliance,  65,  117, 

223,  224 
"Avanti",  the,  198 

Bad-Nauheim,  i 
Baden-Baden,  52 
Balance  of  power,  230 
Balkan  Wars,  13,  118,  203,  204 
Balkans,  the,  131,  203,  219,  222 


59 


26o 


INDEX 


Bavarian  government's  trains,  53 
Bavarians,  45 

and  Prussians,  46 
Beacons5eld,  Eari  of,  25 
Belgian  neutrality,  84-92,  222 
Belgian  relief  fund,  75 
Belgium,  228 

and  England,  73,  84-92,  116, 
122,  131-133,165,221 

and  France,  84,  86,  87 

and  Germany,  84-92,  131-133, 
208,  220 

and  Holland,  S3 

and  Luxemburg,  82,  84,  85 
Belgrade,  73 
Belfort,  80 
Bennett,  Arnold,  156 
Berchtold,  Count,  125 
Beriin,  53 

congress  of,  25,  65,  117,  223 

treaty  of,  25 
"Berliner  Zeitung",  the,  184 
Bemhardi,  General  von,  20,  159, 

198 
Bessarabia,  189 
Bethmann  HoUweg,  Dr.  von,  81, 

88,90,123,127 
Bismarck,  Prince,  22,  25,  60,  84, 

91,117,119,132,223 
Blake,  Dr.,  77 
Boer  States,  the,  173 

War,  the,  175 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  3,  17, 

25,  120,  123 
Boy  Scouts,  113 
Bozen,  192 

British  Empire,  the,  176 
British,  see  EngUsh 
"British  Weekly",  the,  158 
Bruges,  221 


Brussels,  73,  90 
Bulgaria,  203 

and  Greece,  13,  204 

and  Rumania,  204 

and  Russia,  13 

and  Servia,  13,  204 

and  Turkey,  14,  204,  205 

Caesar,  122 

Caillaux  trial,  the,  175 

Cambon,  M.  Jules,  69 

Cambon,  M.  Paul,  68 

Cambridge,  104 

Canada,  178 

Carol  I  of  Rumania,  188-190 

Cavour,  Count,  197 

China  and  America,  232 

and  Germany,  208 

and  Japan,  208 
"Chronicle",  the  London,  165 
"Church  Times",   the  London, 

161,  170 
Churchill,  Mr.,  196 
Colenrander,  Dr.,  96 
Cologne,  52 

Concert  of  the  powers,  230,  231 
Congress  of  Berlin,  25,  65,  117, 
223 

of  London,  123,  193 

of  Paris,  197 

of  Vienna,  82 
Conscriprion,  111-113 
Constantine  I  of  Greece,  205 
Constantinople,  13,  203,  205,  222 
"Corriere  della  Sera",  the  Milan, 

199 
Cossacks,  the,  119 
Court,  an  international  supreme, 
232 

of  arbitral  justice,  a,  232,  233 


INDEX 


261 


Crimean  War,  the,  175,  197 
Croats,  the,  193 

Dalmatia,  193 

Dardanelles,  205 

D'Azeglio,  Massimo,  197 

Delcasse,  M.,  67 

Denmark  and  England,  132,  223 

and  Germany,  117,  223,  224 
"Derby",  the,  105 
Demburg,  Herr,  163 
Diplomacy,  231,  232,  236 
Dobrudja,  the,  189 
Dolomites,  the,  192 
Drcikaiserbund,  the,  119,  223 
Dubouchet,  Dr.,  77 
Dutch  army,  the,  95 

fortifications  (land),  100 

fortifications  (water),  99 

neutrahty,  95-101 


Edward  VII  of  England,  66,  73 
Elector,  the  Great,  21 
Egypt,  66,  67,  121,  204 
England,  117 
and  America,  132 
and  Austria,  118,  123,  131 
and  the  Balkans,  126,  131 
and  Belgium,  73,  84-92,  116, 

122,  131-133,  165,  221 
and  Denmark,  132,  223 
and  Egypt,  66,  67,  121 
and  Finland,  131 
and   France,    66-73,  98,    116, 

121, 167, 168,  221 
and  Germany,  70-91, 120,  124- 

133,173.174,221 
and  Holland,  97-101,  122,  131, 
132,159,223 


England  and  Italy,  131,  196,  198, 
200 

and  Japan,  223 

and  Morocco,  66-68,  71 

and  Poland,  131 

and  Portugal,  131,  181 

and  Russia,  26,  28,  118,  119, 
124-131, 166, 167,  221 

and  Servia,  10,  69,  117,  118 
English  ambitions,  160,  179,  185, 
224 

army,  the,  102-115,  177-179 

censorship,  155-158 

decadence,  179 

labor  parties,  146,  165 

navy,  the,  137-140,  187 

parliamentary  progress,  150 

people,  the,  134-153 

press,  the,  15  2-1 71 

prices,  135-137 

public  schools,  105 

social  service,  146 

sport,  141 

trade,  i34-i37>  1S5,  136,  224, 
225 

treaties,  133 

religion,  147,  149 
Enver  Pasha,  202-204 
Epinal,  80 
Epsom,  105 
Executive  power,  236 
Executives,  national,  229,  230 

Federation  of  nations,  236 
Financial  institutions,  225,  226 
Finland,  18,  39,  119,  131,  228 
Flushing,  98 
Football,  142-144 
Four-Power  conference,  the  pro- 
posed, 27,  69,  220 


262 


INDEX 


France  and  America,  121 
and  Belgium,  84,  86,  87 
and  England,  66-73,  98,  116, 

121,  167, 168,  221 
and  Egypt,  66,  67,  121 
and  Germany,  69-71,  73,  220, 

221,  223 
and  Greece,  121 
and  Italy,  121 
and  Luxemburg,  82,  83 
and  Morocco,  65-68,  71,  209 
and  Russia,  26,  64,  70,  220 
and  Servia,  69 

Francis  Ferdinand,  Archduke,  2- 
4,  21,  116,  118 

Franco-German  War,  the,  117 

Franco-Russian  AUiance,  the,  64, 
70,  117 

Frankfort,  52 

"Frankfurter  Zeitung",  52,  180, 
181,  183 

Frederick  the  Great,  21 

Freiburg,  52 

French,  Sir  John,  164 

French  army,  61-63,  69-71,  73, 

175 
aviators,  73 

"National  Ministry",  182 
religion,  78,  79 
Frisian  Islands,  loi 

German  ambitions,  38,  39,  159, 
160,  178,  224 
army,  20,  34,  40, 41,  46,  50,  61- 

63,73,111, 164,  :82 
bid  for  English  neutrality,  127 
children,  44 

colonies,  38, 120,  203,  224 
Emperor,  see  William  II 
food  supply,  184 


German  ideas,  47 

labor,  183 

navy,  63,  120,  137,  224 

patriotism,  47,  148 

people,  20,  37,  38-58,  172 

population,  121 

press,  171-187 

prices,  134 

raw  materials,  183 

religion,  48 

social  service,  146 

socialists,  37,  158 

state  socialism,  150 

trade,  120,  134,  185,  186,  225 

treatment  of  the  Americans  in 
Germany,  55-57 

treatment   of   the   English   in 
Germany,  51-54 

women,  42,  43 
Germans  and  their  government, 

37 
Pan-,  38 
Germanic  confederation,  82 
Germany  and  Austria,  17,  22-37, 

120,  220,  223 
and   Belgium,   57,   58,  84-92, 

131-133,  208,  220 
and  Denmark,  117,  223,  224 
and  England,  70-91,  120,  124- 

133,  173,  174,  221 
and  France,  69-71,  73,  80,  81, 

220,  221,  223 
and  Holland,  96,  97,  100,  loi 
and  Italy,  191,  194,  195 
and  Japan,  221,  222 
and  Luxemburg,  57,  58,  80-83 
and  Morocco,  67,  68 
and  peace,  24 
and  Russia,  16,  25,  28-33,  124- 

131,  219,  220,  223 


INDEX 


263 


Germany  and  Turkey,  203,  204, 

224 
George  V  of  England,  87 
"Glds",  the,  96 
"Giornale  d'ltalia",  the  Rome, 

196 
Gladstone,  William  Ewart,  165 
Golf,  141,  142 
Goltz,  Baron  von  der,  204 
Goschen,  Sir  Edward,  88,   128, 

129 
Great  Britain,  see  England 
Grebbe,  the,  99 
Greece  and  Albania,  14 
and  Bulgaria,  13 
and  France,  121 
and  Turkey,  205 
Grey,  Sir  Edward,  10,  27,  28,  68, 

69,  71,  73,  88,  1 22-131,  164, 

220,  221 
"Guardian",  the  Manchester,  170 

Hague  conventions,  the,  85,  92, 
207-212 

court,  the,  232 

peace  conferences  at  The,  119 

The,  93 
Harden,  Maximilian,  173 
Harlingen,  99 
Harrison,  Frederic,  162 
Hauptmann,  Gerhart,  159 
Hay,  John,  232 
Hellevoetsluys,  99 
Herrick,  Myron  T.,  74 
Holland,  95-101,  228 

and  England,  97-101,  122, 131, 
132,  159,  223 

and  Germany,  96,  100,  loi 

independence  of,  122,  228 
Hook  of  Holland,  99 


Humbert,  M.,  i,^ 
Hunting,  145 

India,  177 
Ireland,  176,  177 

and  Belgium,  177 
Istria,  192,  197 
Italia  Irredenta,  192 
Italian  catholics,  199 

conservatives,  199 

liberals,  199 

nationalists,  198 

neutrality,  193-200 

republicans,  198 

socialists,  198 
Italy  and  Albania,  193 

and  Austria,  117, 191, 194-196 

and  England,  131, 196, 198,  200 

and  France,  121,  191,  195,  196 

and  Germany,  191,  194,  195 

and  Montenegro,  193 

and  Servia,  193 

and  Turkey,  206 

Japan  and  China,  208,  221,  222 
and  England,  223 
and  Germany,  221,  222 
and  Russia,  223 

Jaures,  Jean,  63 

"Jugend",  171 

Junker  arrogance,  20 

Kiaochau,  Japanese  capture  of, 

221 
"Kolnische  Zeitung",  the,   173, 

181,  i8s 
Kitchener,  Earl,  104,  113,  178 
"  Kreuz  Zeitung,"  the  Berlin,  183 
Kruger,  President,  223 
Kurds,  the,  203 


264 


INDEX 


"Labor  Leader",  the  Manches- 
ter, 167 

Lansdowne,  the  Marquis  of,  66 

Leyden,  the  siege  of,  99 

Lichnowsky,  Prince,  71,  88 

Liege,  87,  90,  155 

Lotharingia,  228 

Lombardy,  197 

London,  102,  134,  140 
congress  of,  1 23 
theatres,  140 
treaty  of  (1831),  84,  122 
treaty  of  (1839),  84,  122 
treaty  of  (1867),  83,  84,  85 
treaty  of  (1870),  84,  85 

Louis  XIV  of  France,  131,  175 

Louvain,  96,  132,  180 

Luxemburg,  80-83,  228 
and  Austria,  82 
and  Belgium,  82,  84,  85 
and  France,  82,  85 
and  Germany,  80-S3,  208 

Macdonald,  Ramsay,  146 

Macedonia,  13,  204 

Marschall       von       Bieberstein, 

Baron,  203 
Materialism,  236 
Mazzini,  198 
Meaux,  77,  78 
Merijskowsky,  159 
Meuse,  the,  99 
Militarism,   20-22,  60,  61,   157, 

159,171,172,216,236 
Monroe  Doctrine,  the,  210,  214 
Mons,  77 
Montenegro  and  Albania,  14 

and  Russia,  13,  14 
Morocco,  65-68,  71,  209 
Motley,  99 


Munich,  19,  42,  44,  45 

theatres,  140 
Miinster,  treaty  of,  98 

Namur,  90 

Napoleon  I  of  France,  131,  138, 

161,  17s 
III  of  France,  82 
Nauheim,  Bad-,  i 
Narodna  Odbrana,  4,  7 
National  executives,  229,  230 
Nationality,  227,  228 
Netherlands,  the  Austrian,  122 
the  Spanish,  122 
the  United,  122 
Neutrality,  228,  229 
Newmarket,  145 
New  Zealand,  178 
"News",     the    London    Daily, 

153,155,156,158 
"News",   the  London  Evening, 

160 
Nicholas  II  of  Russia,    17,   27, 

28-33,  119 
Niederlahnstein,  52 
Nietzsche,  158,  159 
"  Norddeutsche  Allgemeine  Zei- 

tung,"  71,  126,  173,  182 
Nordhoff-Jung,  Frau  Dr.,  76 

Ostend,  73 
Oxford,  102 

"Pall  Mall  Gazette",  the  Lon- 
don, 152 
Palmcrston,  Viscount,  165 
"Pal's  Battalions",  106 
Pankhurst,  Mrs.,  147 
Paris,  60,  73 

American  hospital  in,  77 


I 


INDEX 


265 


Parliament,  an  international,  232 

Partenkirchen,  40,  51 

Peace,  226,  227 

Persia,  66,  119 

Peter  the  Great,  13,  222 

Philip  II  of  Spain,  131,  175 

Piedmont,  131 

Pitt,  William,  98,  133 

Plevna,  189 

Poetry,  170 

Pogroms,  119 

Poincar^,  M.,  175 

Poland,  18,  39,  119,  131,  174,  228 

Portugal,  131,  i8r 

"Post",  the  Liverpool,  171 

Priests,  78,  79 

Prince  of  Wales's  fund,  75 

"Punch",  the  London,  84,  155 

Racing,  145 

Red  Cross,  American,  75 

in  Munich,  American,  76 
Reprisals,  160-163 
Rhine,  the,  100 
Roberts,  Earl,  in,  112 
Romanov  dynasty,  15 
Root,  Elihu,  232 
Rumania  and  Austria,  14,  189, 

190 
Rumania  and  Russia,  14 

and  Turkey,  188,  189,  205 
Rumanian  independence,  189 
Russia  and  Austria,  12-18,   23, 
35,  36,  118,  119,  219,  222 

and  the  Balkans,  13,  14,  203, 
222 

and  Bulgaria,  13 

and  England,  26,  28,  118,  119, 
124-13X,  166,  167,  221 

and  Finland,  18,  39, 119,  131 


Russia  and  France,  26,  70 

and  Germany,  16,   25,  28-33, 

119,  124-131,  219,  220,  223 
and  Japan,  223 
and  the  Jews,  166,  167 
and  Montenegro,  13,  14 
and  Persia,  119 
and  Poland,  18,  39,  119,  131, 

174 
and  Rumania,  14 
and  Servia,  11,  13,  14,  118 
and  the  Slavs,  11,  23,  119 
and  Turkey,  202 
Russian  army,  26,  63,  157,  182 

labor,  175 
Russo-Rumanian     war     against 
Turkey,  the,  189 

Salonika,  118,  204,  222 

San  Giuliano,  the  Marquis  di,  190 

San  Stefano,  treaty  of,  25,  223 

Sandhurst,  104 

Sandwich,  142 

"Saturday  Review,"  the  London, 

154,  197 

Scheldt,  the,  98 

Schleswig,  117,  132,  224 

Scott,  Sir  Percy,  139 

Serbs  and  Servians,  3 

Servia  and  Austria,  i-ii,  21, 119, 
131,  213,  219 
and  Bulgaria,  13 
and  England,  10 
and  Russia,  13,  14,  118 

Servian  army,  the,  23,  28 

' '  Simplicissimus  ",  171 

Slav  vs.  Teuton,  23,  24 

Slavs,  14,  91,  119,  193 

Slovenes,  the,  193 

Socialists,  German,  37,  158 


266 


INDEX 


Sophia  of  Greece,  Queen,  205 

South  Africa,  178 

"Spectator,"    the   London,   143, 

153,  162,  194 
Spies,  SI 
Stoke  Poges,  142 
Submarines,  139 
"Sun,"  the  New  York,  164 
Swagger,  170 
Switzeriand,  2  28 

"Tageblatt,"  the  Beriin,  183 

"Telegraph,"  the  London,  10,  154 

Terschelling,  99 

Teuton  vs.  Slav,  23,  24,  126 

Texel,  99 

Thielt,  210 

Thiers,  82 

Tibet,  82 

"Times,"  the  London,  153,  154, 
15s,  160,  162,  185,  186,  197, 
198 

Tonale  Pass,  192 

Toul,  80 

Treaty  of  Berlin  (1878),  25 
of  London  (1831),  84, 122,  228 
of  London  (1839),  84, 122,  228 
of  London  (1867),  83,  84,  85 
of  London  (1870)  84,  85 
of    San    Stefano    (1877),    25, 

223 
of  Vienna  (1815),  228 
of  Westphalia  (1648),  98,  223, 
228 

Treitschke,  150 

Trent,  192 

Trentino,  the,  192 

Triest,  192,  193 

Triple  alliance,  the,  65,  117,  190, 
191,  194,  199 


Triple  entente,  the,  65,  66,  199, 

205 
Tripoli,  206 

"Truth,"  the  London,  109,  153 
Tsar,  see  Nicholas  II 
Tschirsky,  Herr  von,  1 7 
Tunis,  204 
Turkey,  13 

and  Austria,  202 

and  the  Balkans,  203 

and  Bulgaria,  14,  205 

and  Germany,  203,  204,  224 

and  Greece,  205 

and  Italy,  206 

and  Rumania,  188,  189,  205 

and  Russia,  202 

Utrecht,  99,  100 

Valtierra,  General,  74 
van  Dyke,  Henry,  94 
"Vaterland,"  41,  47 

foreign  loyalty  to,  59 
Venetia,  117,  118,  222 
Venizelos,  Premier,  13 
Verdun,  80 
Verona,  192 

Victor  Emmanuel  II  of  Italy,  197 
Victor  Emmanuel  III  of  Italy, 

200 
Vienna,  congress  of,  82 
Vlissingen,  98 
"Vorwarts,"  the  Berlin,  172,  182, 

184 
"Vossische  Zeitung,"  the  Berlin, 

178,  179,  184 

Waal,  the,  99 
Washburne,  Elihu,  74 
"Weekblad     voor     Nederland," 
the  Amsterdam,  96,  97 


INDEX 


267 


"Westminster     Gazette,"      the 

London,  152,  163,  200 
Westphalia,  treaty  of,  98,   223, 

228 
White,  Henry,  67 
William  I  of  Germany,  21,  22 
William  II  of  Germany,  17,  18, 

21,22,  27,  28-33,67,70,119, 

203,  212,  223 
William  the  Silent  of  Holland,  loi 


Wilson,  President,  212 
Wood,  Sir  Evelyn,  145,  160 

Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, 107 

Zabem,  19,  20,  41,  171 
Zeppelins,  140 
Zuiderzee,  the,  99 
"Zukunft,"  the,  172 


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I 


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